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Reply - Marius Pieterse 335<br />

cost to the relevant legislative objective’) as well as by legislative<br />

‘burdens of inertia’ (relating, for instance, to the time-consuming<br />

nature of the legislative process, lack of capacity and the partypolitical<br />

driving forces behind legislative agendas). 11<br />

Civil society and non-governmental institutions may contribute to<br />

constitutional dialogue. At their best, they will engage directly<br />

legislatures and policy makers and facilitate and structure further<br />

debate between these institutions, social movements and the<br />

individual beneficiaries of rights. In South Africa, particular mention<br />

should be made of the role of the South African Human Rights<br />

Commission (SAHRC). The SAHRC is a constitutionally created, independent<br />

institution tasked with monitoring government compliance<br />

with socio-economic rights as well as with conducting research,<br />

raising awareness, initiating and contributing to judicial proceedings<br />

and with other functions relating to the elaboration of the content of<br />

human rights. 12<br />

Beyond institutional players, social movements, rights-activists<br />

and individual litigants all have a crucial role in translating socioeconomic<br />

rights from ‘the bottom up’. In particular, individual<br />

beneficiaries of socio-economic rights are best-placed to articulate<br />

the needs that the rights should aim to satisfy. 13 By voicing their<br />

needs in the form of rights-claims, beneficiaries direct the subjectmatter<br />

of the constitutional dialogue to issues directly pertaining to<br />

the satisfaction of these needs. However, the very poverty and<br />

material deprivation that shape these needs often contribute to<br />

rendering their expression inaudible to political and judicial<br />

processes. For instance, the voices of individual victims of socioeconomic<br />

rights violations are often muted by the victims’ inability to<br />

11<br />

Dixon (2 above) text accompanying n 60-62.<br />

12 See FC sec 184 read with the Human Rights Commission Act 54 of 1994. On the<br />

role of the SAHRC in the translation of socio-economic rights see CH Heyns ‘Taking<br />

socio-economic rights seriously: The “domestic reporting procedure” and the role<br />

of the South African Human Rights Commission’ (1999) 32 De Jure 195; J Klaaren<br />

‘A second look at the South African Human Rights Commission, access to<br />

information, and the promotion of socioeconomic rights’ (2005) 27 Human Rights<br />

Quarterly 539; S Liebenberg ‘Violations of socio-economic rights: The role of the<br />

South African Human Rights Commission’ in P Andrews & S Ellmann (eds) The<br />

Post-Apartheid Constitutions: Perspectives on South Africa’s Basic Law (2001)<br />

405; DG Newman ‘Institutional monitoring of social and economic rights: A South<br />

African case study and a new research agenda’ (2003) 19 South African Journal on<br />

Human Rights 189.<br />

13 See, eg, MJ Matsuda ‘Looking to the bottom: Critical legal studies and<br />

reparations’ (1987) 22 Harvard Civil Liberties Civil Rights Law Review 323; PJ<br />

Williams ‘Alchemical notes: Reconstructing ideals from deconstructed rights’<br />

(1987) 22 Harvard Civil Liberties Civil Rights Law Review 401 410-414.

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