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226 Chapter 13<br />

but freedom to enable self-actualisation is of course essential for<br />

human dignity. Art 2 of the German Basic Law, deals with personal<br />

freedoms and Art 2(1) specifically with the free development of<br />

everyone’s personality (‘die freie Entfaltung seiner Persönlichkeit’).<br />

Article 2(1) is universally regarded as relating back also to Art 1 and<br />

as establishing, with Art 1, a general personality right. 22 However,<br />

Woolman’s statement in footnote 22 that ‘dignity qua self-governance<br />

is, in fact, where the Constitutional Court falters most conspicuously’<br />

seems to me a broad criticism with shaky support. One would have<br />

thought that the Court’s judgments on the human worth (dignity)<br />

rights of gays and lesbians — which he later correctly identifies as one<br />

of the most transformative areas of the Court’s jurisprudence — point<br />

firmly in the opposite direction. Woolman’s criticism, for example, of<br />

Prince in <strong>this</strong> regard simply ignores the crucial fact that the<br />

constitutional validity of South Africa’s drug legislation (which inter<br />

alia proscribes the possession and use of dagga, the substance whose<br />

use was in issue in the case) was not generally challenged by the<br />

complainant. 23 The Court was accordingly obliged to have regard to<br />

the disastrous effect that permitting the religious use of dagga (which<br />

religious use was, on the complainant’s own case, virtually unlimited<br />

as to time and place) would have on the enforcement of the<br />

legislation in question.<br />

4 Collective dignity?<br />

The way that Woolman presents the idea of ‘collective responsibility<br />

for the material conditions for agency’ is a welcome addition to our<br />

local debate on dignity and equality, as is his reference to Amartya<br />

Sen’s idea of capability equality. 24 I would also readily agree that<br />

when the state harms the dignity of one person <strong>this</strong>, in a certain<br />

manner of speaking, diminishes the dignity of us all. But the ‘us’ in<br />

<strong>this</strong> proposition refers to the totality of our individual dignities. It is,<br />

however, a far cry from <strong>this</strong> understanding to extrapolate from the<br />

Court’s jurisprudence postulate a ‘collective notion of dignity.’<br />

(Woolman does, it must be noted, acknowledge that that ‘notion’<br />

allegedly implicit in the Court’s judgments refers not to some<br />

romantic idea of the ‘volk’, but to a commitment to providing all<br />

individuals with the material means necessary to create a Kantian<br />

‘kingdom of ends’.) There are serious potential objections and<br />

dangers to attributing dignity to a group which does not otherwise<br />

enjoy legal personality, as there are fundamental objections and<br />

22 See, eg, I von Münch P Kunig (eds) Grundgesetz-Kommentar 4 ed (1992) vol 1, Art 2<br />

23<br />

Rn 30.<br />

Prince v President, Cape Law Society & Others 2002 2 SA 794 (CC), 2002 3 BCLR<br />

24<br />

231 (CC).<br />

In <strong>this</strong> regard, see also S Cowen ‘Can “dignity” guide South Africa’s Equality<br />

Jurisprudence’ (2001) 17 South African Journal on Human Rights 34.

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