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178 Chapter 10<br />

sections 7(1), 36(1), and 39(1) ‘structure the way in which the tension<br />

between rights and democracy is to be managed in South African<br />

constitutional law.’ 75 We have argued, over the course of <strong>this</strong><br />

chapter, that FC section 36(1) and FC section 39(1) require a valuebased<br />

approach to fundamental rights analysis and limitations analysis<br />

in part because they invoke the same set of values, the same linguistic<br />

trope, ‘an open and democratic society based upon human dignity,<br />

equality and freedom’. However, Roux’s connection of the oftignored<br />

FC section 7(1) to both fundamental rights interpretation (FC<br />

section 39) and limitations analysis (FC section 36) enables us to make<br />

four new critical points in <strong>this</strong> chapter.<br />

First, FC section 7(1) reads: ‘The Bill of Rights is a cornerstone of<br />

democracy in South Africa. It enshrines the rights of all people in our<br />

country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality<br />

and freedom.’ Notice that democracy is treated as an independent<br />

value. Notice that the values of human dignity, equality and freedom<br />

are ‘democratic’ values. At a minimum, the language of FC section<br />

7(1) should give pause to those interpreters of the basic law who<br />

privilege, reflexively, the value of human dignity. One can press <strong>this</strong><br />

point further and argue that FC section 7(1), in fact, reverses the spin<br />

placed by the Constitutional Court on the phrase ‘an open and<br />

democratic society based upon human dignity, equality and freedom’.<br />

It makes a democratic society, and not dignity, foundational.<br />

Second, it is, we think, unnecessary to read the language of FC<br />

section 7(1) in a manner that privileges democracy over dignity.<br />

Indeed, FC section 7(1) and Professor Roux suggest that we should be<br />

just as wary of such overly simplistic reductions (rights service<br />

democracy) as we are chary of claims that rights and democracy stand<br />

in irreconcilable tension with one another (the counter-majoritarian<br />

dilemma). We think that it is enough to suggest, as Professor Roux<br />

does, that FC section 7(1) delinks the phrase ‘an open and democratic<br />

society’ from ‘human dignity, equality and freedom’. That is, whereas<br />

the phrase ‘open and democratic society based upon human dignity,<br />

equality and freedom’ suggests a miasma of ‘big’ ideas that, if read<br />

jointly and severally, could exhaust the entire universe of modern<br />

political theory, delinking the two phrases forces the reader of FC<br />

section 36(1) and FC section 39(1) to stop and to attend — for a<br />

moment — to the meaning, as well as the desiderata, of an ‘open and<br />

democratic society’. Even if it does nothing else, by reading FC<br />

section 7(1) together with FC section 36(1), we are forced to concede<br />

that the principle of democracy is, at least, of equal weight as the<br />

value of dignity when it comes to the justification of a limitation of a<br />

fundamental right.<br />

75 Roux (n 6 above) § 10.3(c).

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