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106 Chapter 7<br />

question raised in the course of socio-economic rights litigation; 40 to<br />

reject the ‘minimum core content’ approach to deciding claims for<br />

access to basic resources; 41 and to justify its adoption of what it has<br />

called a ‘restrained role’ in reviewing state conduct in light of socioeconomic<br />

rights (as embodied in its reasonableness review<br />

approach.) 42<br />

The Court, when it employs <strong>this</strong> rhetoric, enters into an obviously<br />

depoliticising discourse and so erodes capacity for democratic<br />

political action. It describes the relevant issues as ‘technical<br />

problems for managers and planners ... in contradistinction to<br />

political matters.’ 43 However, it cannot be denied that the Court is,<br />

quite often, as institutionally constrained as it claims to be and that<br />

depoliticisation on that basis alone is to some extent inevitable.<br />

What does make the Court’s use of <strong>this</strong> depoliticising trope<br />

problematic is not so much the fact that it defers, but that to which<br />

it defers. In justifying the self-limitation of its powers of review and<br />

remedy the Court has also relied on another set of arguments:<br />

‘constitutional comity’ arguments. When it declines to decide a<br />

particular issue, or apply a stringent standard of scrutiny, or impose<br />

an intrusive order, it defers not only to the complexity of the issues<br />

at hand. It also, more importantly, defers to the other branches of<br />

government on the understanding that they are, in the context of<br />

institutional spheres of power, the appropriate fora to decide them. 44<br />

Certainly, at the heart of the Court’s concern with constitutional<br />

comity in its engagement with socio-economic rights is a concern for<br />

democracy. The Court defers to the other branches in order to<br />

demonstrate respect for the democratic will of which they are the<br />

repositories. 45 But the conception of democracy that underlies <strong>this</strong><br />

concern is, again, a peculiarly limited one: it is the kind of<br />

‘institutional’ understanding of democracy that I referred to above.<br />

Democracy is equated with, and reduced, to the institutions intended<br />

to give effect to it and occurs only within those institutions. This<br />

understanding stands in contrast to an understanding of democracy as<br />

a certain mode of political action or a culture that takes place not<br />

only in the democratic institutions of the official governmental<br />

40<br />

See eg Minister of Health v Treatment Action Campaign 2002 5 SA 721 (CC), 2002<br />

41<br />

10 BCLR 1033 (CC) para 128.<br />

Government of the Republic of South Africa v Grootboom 2001 1 SA 46 (CC), 2000<br />

42<br />

11 BCLR 1169 (CC) para 33; TAC (n 40 above) para 37.<br />

TAC (n 40 above) para 38. See also the Court’s justification for the lenient<br />

standard of scrutiny adopted in Soobramoney v Minister of Health, KwaZulu-<br />

Natal 1998 1 SA 765 (CC), 1997 12 BCLR 1696 (CC) para 29.<br />

43 Fraser (n 18 above) 299.<br />

44 See eg Soobramoney (n 42 above) para 29; Grootboom (n 41 above) para 41; and<br />

45<br />

TAC (n 40 above) paras 96-114 & 129-133.<br />

Roux (n 14 above) 10-58.

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