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336 Chapter 19<br />

access the justice system, their lack of rights-awareness, and their<br />

scepticism over or distrust of judicial or political processes. 14<br />

Accordingly, the voices of the most vulnerable beneficiaries of<br />

socio-economic rights often become audible only if expressed through<br />

social movements. By placing pressure on political institutions and by<br />

strategic use of the justice system, such movements can at once<br />

implore and enable the accommodation of beneficiaries’ needs and<br />

experiences in ‘top-down’ articulations of rights. 15 However, given<br />

that social movements are primarily agenda-driven, and are unequally<br />

distributed across issues and interest groups, their unmediated<br />

prominence in processes of dialogic translation runs the risk of<br />

distorting the terms of the dialogue, by placing undue emphasis on<br />

particular agendas. 16<br />

Academic scholars, in turn, contribute to the dialogue over<br />

constitutional meaning by making researched and thoroughlytheorised<br />

interpretations of socio-economic rights accessible to both<br />

‘top-down’ translators such as legislatures and courts and ‘bottomup’<br />

translation efforts by individual rights-bearers or social<br />

movements. 17 However, scholars are as equally prone to distorted<br />

perspectives as social movements. They are often far removed from<br />

the ‘real’ experiences of material deprivation and institutional<br />

translation that form the crux of the dialogue. 18<br />

Finally and, for purposes of <strong>this</strong> reply, most importantly, is the<br />

dual role of courts as translators of and translation venues for socioeconomic<br />

rights. Provided that courts are accessible, the adjudication<br />

process provides virtually the only space within which all, or most of,<br />

the other contributory voices to the dialogue over the meaning of<br />

socio-economic rights can simultaneously be present and heard.<br />

Indeed, a prime advantage of the courtroom as venue for dialogic<br />

deliberation over the meaning of socio-economic rights is that the<br />

14 See S Gloppen ‘Social rights litigation as transformation: South African<br />

perspectives’ in P Jones & K Stokke (eds) Democratising development: The<br />

politics of socio-economic rights in South Africa (2005) 153 158-159.<br />

15 See T Madlingozi ‘Post-apartheid social movements and the quest for the elusive<br />

“new” South Africa’ (2007) 34 Journal of Law & Society 77 81, 89 and 91. On the<br />

articulation of needs by social movements on behalf of socially vulnerable<br />

plaintiffs in South Africa, see M Heywood ‘Preventing mother-to-child HIV<br />

transmission in South Africa: Background, strategies and outcomes of the<br />

Treatment Action Campaign case against the Minister of Health’ (2003) 19 South<br />

African Journal on Human Rights 278 147.<br />

16<br />

Madlingozi (n 15 above) 92 and 94-95. For a related concern, see A Sachs ‘The<br />

judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights: The Grootboom case’ in Jones &<br />

Stokke (n 14 above) 131 149-150.<br />

17<br />

See S Liebenberg ‘Socio-economic rights under a transformative constitution: The<br />

role of the academic community and NGOs’ (2007) 8(1) Economic and Social<br />

Rights Review 3 7-8.<br />

18<br />

See generally T Madlingozi ‘Legal academics and progressive politics in South<br />

Africa: Moving beyond the ivory tower’ (Nov 2006) 2 Pulp Fictions 5.

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