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Reply - Marius Pieterse 345<br />

for upholding their constitutional commitments in the course of these<br />

efforts. 50 In particular, it appears reluctant to proclaim its own vision<br />

of the transformative project despite the fact that it has been tasked<br />

to uphold the Constitution ‘without fear, favour or prejudice’. 51 It<br />

largely defers instead to an executive-driven economic policy<br />

environment that may depart, in important respects, from such a<br />

vision. 52<br />

This is, perhaps, understandable. However, the record also<br />

indicates that the Court views its accountability-enhancing function in<br />

a very ‘business as usual’ manner. While the Court has insisted on<br />

robust justification for non-compliance with the negative obligations<br />

implied by socio-economic rights (which correspond largely to<br />

‘classical’ civil rights violations), the evaluative and remedial<br />

paradigms presented by the reasonableness approach for the<br />

adjudication of positive socio-economic rights claims do not suggest<br />

any meaningful departure from conceptions of the judicial role under<br />

pre-constitutional administrative law. 53 The unfortunate result is that<br />

the judicial contribution to the debate over transformation is no<br />

different than it would have been in a constitutional setting where<br />

socio-economic rights had either not been entrenched at all or had<br />

functioned only as directive principles of state policy.<br />

4 Conclusion: Towards openness, responsiveness and<br />

substantive participation?<br />

A Constitutional Court is like a parachute, it has to be open to work. If<br />

the Court turns inward, to whom do those seeking justice reach out? 54<br />

This reply has attempted to strengthen Liebenberg’s call for the<br />

modification of the reasonableness approach. This modification<br />

should embrace substantive engagement with the content of socioeconomic<br />

rights as well as more rigorous scrutiny of justifications for<br />

laws and policies that cause, exacerbate or fail to address<br />

deprivations of basic socio-economic resources. 55 I have argued that<br />

50<br />

See T Roux ‘Legitimating transformation: Political resource allocation in the<br />

South African Constitutional Court’ (2003) 10 Democratisation 92; DM Davis<br />

‘Adjudicating the socio-economic rights in the South African Constitution:<br />

Towards ‘deference lite’?’ (2006) 22 South African Journal on Human Rights 301<br />

318.<br />

51 FC sec 165(1).<br />

52<br />

See Davis (n 50 above) 315-316.<br />

53 See D Bilchitz ‘Giving socio-economic rights teeth: The minimum core and its<br />

importance’ (2002) 119 South African Law Journal 484 495; Currie (n 41 above)<br />

72; CR Sunstein ‘Social and economic rights? Lessons from South Africa’ (2001) 12<br />

Constitutional Forum 123.<br />

54 G van Bueren ‘Alleviating poverty through the Constitutional Court’ (1999) 15<br />

South African Journal on Human Rights 52 73.<br />

55 Liebenberg (n 3 above) 321-327.

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