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Stu Woolman & Henk Botha 177<br />

Rights that flows from a greater appreciation for the kind of<br />

‘democratic’ society to which the Final Constitution commits us.<br />

In United Democratic Movement v President of the Republic of<br />

South Africa, the Constitutional Court issued a challenge of sorts to<br />

the academic community: Tell us what ‘democracy’ means, and more<br />

importantly, tell us how it ought to inform, in a principled manner,<br />

our understanding of various provisions in the text of the Final<br />

Constitution. 72 Some South African academics, and in particular,<br />

Theunis Roux, have begun to do just that. 73 Roux pulls together the<br />

political theory out of which our particular South African conception<br />

of democracy arises, the textual provisions of the Final Constitution<br />

that shape that conception, and the extant case law of our own courts<br />

to generate a ‘principle of democracy’. 74 We will not rehearse Roux’s<br />

arguments in support of that principle here. We will, however, draw<br />

down on several of his arguments, especially those that serve part (2)<br />

of his ‘principle of democracy’.<br />

The argument that lends the greatest force to our general theory<br />

of limitations analysis is Roux’s contention that, read together, FC<br />

72 United Democratic Movement v President of the Republic of South Africa &<br />

Others (African Christian Democratic Party & Others Intervening; Institute for<br />

Democracy in South Africa & Another as Amici Curiae) (No 2) 2003 1 SA 495 (CC),<br />

2002 11 BCLR 1179 (CC) para 25.<br />

73<br />

Roux (n 6 above).<br />

74 This principle stated in its clearest form holds:<br />

Government in South Africa must be so arranged that the people, through<br />

the medium of political parties and regular elections, in which all adult<br />

citizens are entitled to participate, exert sufficient control over their<br />

elected representatives to ensure that: (a) representatives are held to<br />

account for their actions, (b) government listens and responds to the<br />

needs of the people, in appropriate cases directly, (c) collective decisions<br />

are taken by majority vote after due consideration of the views of<br />

minority parties, and (d) the reasons for all collective decisions are<br />

publicly explained. (2) The rights necessary to maintain such a form of<br />

government must be enshrined in a supreme-law Bill of Rights, enforced<br />

by an independent judiciary, whose task it shall be to ensure that,<br />

whenever the will of the majority, expressed in the form of a law of<br />

general application, runs counter to a right in the Bill of Rights, the<br />

resolution of that tension promotes the values of human dignity, equality<br />

and freedom.<br />

Roux (n 6 above) § 10.5(b) (emphasis removed). Roux offers an additional gloss on<br />

the second part of his principle that may be worth bearing in mind:<br />

The rights necessary to maintain such a form of government, including<br />

the right to freedom of expression, the right to form political parties, the<br />

right to vote, and the right to the minimum standard of welfare necessary<br />

to participate in the democratic process, must be enshrined in a supremelaw<br />

Bill of Rights, enforced by an independent judiciary, whose task it<br />

shall be to ensure that, whenever the will of the majority, expressed in<br />

the form of a law of general application, runs counter to a right in the Bill<br />

of Rights, the resolution of that tension promotes the values of human<br />

dignity, equality and freedom.<br />

As above (emphasis removed).

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