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BANDITS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE<br />
revolutionaries and whosoever abandoned the protection of acting within the<br />
law in order to pursue a struggle for political ends needed to pay their way,<br />
if necessary by robbery. This again points up the basic link between ‘bandit’<br />
as literally understood and ‘bandit’ in one of the many meanings that came<br />
to be applied to the term. 9 But who and what were the Jewish leistai?<br />
2 Leistai in the period leading up to the Jewish War<br />
In his investigation of social relations in Judaea before and during the<br />
Jewish War, Richard Horsley proposes that ‘the Jewish revolt against<br />
Roman domination may be the most vivid and best attested example from<br />
Antiquity of a major peasant revolt preceded and partly led by brigands.’ 10<br />
In other words, Horsley wants to take the leistai, mentioned by Josephus in<br />
countless episodes from the 130 years or so preceding the Jewish War, as a<br />
key example of the likely applicability of Eric Hobsbawm’s model of social<br />
banditry to even Greco-Roman society. In short, the Jewish leistai in the<br />
period before ad 66 were, according to Horsley, social bandits par excellence.<br />
I cannot agree with this interpretation.<br />
Let us first consider Hobsbawm’s criteria for the concept of the social<br />
bandit. 11 The habitat for the appearance of this form of protest is an agrarian<br />
society in transition from a pre-state tribal organisation to a more sophisticated<br />
state-like structure, with a differentiated social hierarchy and an essentially<br />
capitalistic economy. Here, social banditry develops among the peasantry<br />
as a pre-political form of protest by individuals or by small groups against<br />
living conditions rendered unbearable by excessive taxation, arbitrary acts of<br />
government and other forms of injustice (real or perceived). Unlike common<br />
criminals social bandits are not social outsiders, but enjoy the trust, respect,<br />
protection and, at times, the active support of the peasant community from<br />
which they spring. Their gangs for the most part consist of no more than 10<br />
to 20 men, who restrict their activities together to their immediate locality.<br />
Apart from their fighting for a return to traditional arrangements regarded<br />
as good and, generally, for fair dealing between human beings, social bandits<br />
have no specific reform programme and no sense of identity. In particular,<br />
they develop nothing aimed at the violent abolition of or change in existing<br />
conditions of government, amounting to revolutionary upheaval. Social<br />
bandits are occasional, adventitious raiders. According to Hobsbawm’s<br />
theory, revolutionary movements – those aiming at the toppling by force of<br />
the current order – come later. Social banditry is an earlier stage in this same<br />
historical process. Social bandits and social revolutionaries do not occur<br />
together; indeed, they are mutually exclusive.<br />
Let us next consider the degree to which Hobsbawm’s notions of social<br />
banditry really suit Jewish social relations during the later Second Temple<br />
Period. It is clear that certain of his criteria are fully applicable to Jewish<br />
leistai. For peasants impoverished by excessive taxation, facing uncontrollable<br />
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