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GUERRILLA LEADERS AS LATRONES<br />

‘noble bandit’ that Roman society created for itself, and for which Viriatus<br />

had been a model. The ‘noble bandit’ was vulnerable only to treachery,<br />

‘invincible by any other method’. 108<br />

7 The second Viriatus: Sertorius<br />

Long after Viriatus’ death, Sertorius inherited his fame as a charismatic<br />

leader. 109 He acquired the role of leader of Celtiberian resistance to Rome<br />

through his political opposition to Sulla. 110 His motives and aims were<br />

therefore entirely different from those of Viriatus. 111 However, occasionally,<br />

like Viriatus, from a Roman perspective he indulged in ‘banditry’: in other<br />

words, he waged a guerrilla war. 112 His tactics were to break Roman supply<br />

lines by means of ambushes, flanking movements and surprise forced marches,<br />

and to cut off provisioning by sea by blockading the coast with pirate<br />

vessels. 113 The base of his maritime operations was Hemeroskopeion, a coastal<br />

settlement north of New Carthage, the topography of which made it an<br />

ideal pirates’ nest. 114 Following his expulsion from Spain, in 80 bc, by<br />

Sulla’s supporter T. Annius, Sertorius also called on the aid of Cilician<br />

pirates. 115<br />

As guerrilla leader, Sertorius acquired the same sort of aura as Viriatus. 116<br />

Like the Lusitanian rebel, his great model, Sertorius too was characterised<br />

by outstanding physical, mental and, in particular, military qualities, 117<br />

while his elderly opponent, Q. Metellus Pius, had to face the charge of<br />

weakness. 118 Sertorius’ virtues were expressed most of all in the fact that<br />

he, like Viriatus, could not be defeated by conventional military means.<br />

He ‘led a force that consisted more of bandits than of soldiers’, 119 but over<br />

time forged ‘an army out of a huge robber band’. 120 Sertorius remained<br />

undefeated, but fell victim to the assassination plot of a group of conspirators<br />

who, led by Peperna had formed amongst his own men. 121 The bias<br />

which Plutarch took over from his sources122 was identical to that of the<br />

tradition concerning Viriatus, by which the decadence of the Roman ruling<br />

class was identified as a root cause of the crisis of the Late Republic. In<br />

a world turned upside down, traditional virtues were embodied in men<br />

such as Viriatus and Sertorius, who – as external or, even worse, internal<br />

opponents – stood outside the Roman Establishment. A rather different<br />

tradition, hostile to Sertorius and therefore not inclined to heroise him, can<br />

be detected in Appian’s account. Here we read that Sertorius had to contend<br />

with desertion and that his harsh disciplinary measures lost him his popularity<br />

with his men. 123<br />

The Sertorius legend is made somewhat unusual by the divine protection<br />

which was supposedly vouchsafed to him, the outward manifestation of which<br />

was a tame white hind endowed with supernatural abilities. 124 According to<br />

the story, Sertorius claimed before the superstitiously inclined Celtiberians<br />

that the animal was a gift from the goddess Diana, and revealed to him his<br />

47

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