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GUERRILLA LEADERS AS LATRONES<br />
On the basis of a terminological study, W. Hoben has been able to show<br />
in detail how, at the beginning of each slave uprising, the sources speak of<br />
latrocinium; then, after the incident has reached a certain order of magnitude,<br />
they move to label it as bellum; and finally, as the star of the revolting slaves<br />
sinks, they revert once more to latrocinium. 54 In such cases it was the size of<br />
the slave armies and their initial military success that won them such regard<br />
as opponents of Rome that, albeit only temporarily, they were quasi-legally<br />
recognised as hostes. Investigation of the terminology of the war against<br />
Viriatus, the Sicilian slave war and the war against Spartacus reveals two<br />
criteria according to which a war that was, legally speaking, latrocinium,<br />
could, in everyday language, be termed bellum. These were: 1) the size of the<br />
enemy’s army and the extent of his military success; and 2) the respect<br />
gained by the leadership of his commanders.<br />
Once again, these observations are confirmed by the high esteem in which<br />
Viriatus was held by the Roman historiographical tradition. The same<br />
regard rescued other leaders of native resistance to Rome from being classified<br />
as common <strong>latrones</strong>, although their wars were, both de iure and de facto,<br />
latrocinia. What Vercingetorix achieved by his strength of leadership, political<br />
dexterity and military acumen, namely the temporary political unification<br />
of a large section of the Gallic tribes, compelled a degree of respect<br />
from his Roman foes. This respect, the extent of his movement, and its<br />
short-lived success shielded the leader of the great Gallic uprising against<br />
Roman occupation from personal denigration as a latro, even if certain<br />
aspects of what happened were termed latrocinia. 55 In the same way, Bato,<br />
leader of the Pannonian-Dalmatian uprising of ad 6–9, ‘the most serious of<br />
all foreign wars since those with Carthage’, 56 was not explicitly called latro<br />
or leistes. This was despite the fact that his resistance movement waged a<br />
guerrilla war, 57 and that after the uprising had been crushed ‘certain bands<br />
of brigands (leistika tina) continued their forays for a long time’. 58 We encounter<br />
the same peculiarity in the cases of resistance leaders such as Arminius,<br />
Caratacus and Julius Civilis. All of these belong to a circle of respected<br />
enemies of Rome. Their opposites are to be found in a group of enemies who<br />
remained lacking in such respect, and who are therefore categorised according<br />
to the typology of Roman <strong>latrones</strong> as ‘common’, ‘despised’ bandits.<br />
Tacfarinas, leader of a resistance movement in North Africa under Tiberius,<br />
is a good example of these. His case will be reviewed below; but first we<br />
return to Viriatus as the prototype of the ‘noble bandit’.<br />
5 Viriatus and his Roman opponents<br />
A number of Roman writers not only offered accounts of Viriatus’ actions<br />
but also more or less detailed written portraits of his character. Of the fullest<br />
characterisations, we have lost those of Posidonius and Livy, but have those<br />
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