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POLITICIANS AND PRETENDERS AS LATRONES<br />

reflects a cliché drawn from the repertoire of the literary conception of the<br />

bandit.<br />

In the same period in Cilicia, similar conditions brought forth an enigmatic<br />

local dynast called Lysias. 46 Unlike Zeniketes and his rural stronghold,<br />

Lysias created an urban power base for himself, at Tarsus. Our source for<br />

Lysias, who is otherwise unknown, is Athenaeus, a very wide-ranging writer<br />

under the Principate. The context is a reckoning up of philosophers who<br />

exercised political power. 47 It transpires that Lysias was an Epicurean and<br />

was very well regarded in his home city of Tarsus. This gained him the<br />

position of ‘Priest of Hercules’, apparently a senior religious and political<br />

office in his community. He caused a great sensation when, following the<br />

expiry of the period for which he had been elected, he proved reluctant to<br />

lay down his post. Finally, and totally contrary to Epicurean teaching, which<br />

was against the undertaking of political office, he contrived to become a<br />

tyrant. Unfortunately, Athenaeus (or his source) was not interested in the<br />

precise conditions or the general background of Lysias’ seizure of power. On<br />

the other hand, he says much about the costume in which Lysias presented<br />

himself to the public as tyrant – an expensive military cloak over a purple<br />

tunic decorated with white stripes, white Laconian shoes and, for a headdress,<br />

a laurel crown made out of gold. This costly and extravagant outfit<br />

was, without doubt, a symbol of authority, its function being to afford this<br />

self-made despot the proper appearance of a legitimate ruler. This, at least,<br />

is the explanation of the same phenomenon in the case of the Sicilian<br />

slave kings. 48 Anyway, it appears that Lysias’ rich attire struck Athenaeus as<br />

unsuitable, and particularly so given the revolutionary social policy which<br />

he devised and which he attempted to bring in by radical means: ‘He then<br />

distributed the goods of the rich among the poor, murdering many who did<br />

not offer them of their own accord.’ 49 As it stands I find this story which<br />

makes Lysias out to be an ancient Robin Hood, frankly unhistorical; in any<br />

event, it defies proof. The socio-politically motivated notion of a redistribution<br />

of wealth is unusual but not impossible. Athenaeus’ report may contain<br />

a kernel of historical truth, going back to Lysias’ desire to mitigate social<br />

distress by a re-allocation of property in the form of, say, a Gracchan-style<br />

allotment of land. That such thinking is not inconceivable may be seen in<br />

the unconventional policy of Pompey the Great in respect of Cilicia. Following<br />

the pirate war of 67 bc, an attempt was made to reintegrate former<br />

pirates into society by means of land-allotments and resettlement. 50 In this,<br />

confiscation could scarcely have been avoided. Even supposing that Pompey’s<br />

motive was purely selfish, i.e., an increase in the number of his dependants<br />

and in his prestige, his resettlement policy remains a remarkable attempt<br />

to pacify the region. It managed to avoid something which was otherwise a<br />

feature of this period and, in particular, this area, namely the wholesale<br />

enslavement of prisoners-of-war. 51 It may therefore be taken as demonstrating<br />

that the Romans recognised the need for a reconciliatory social policy in<br />

77

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