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POLITICIANS AND PRETENDERS AS LATRONES<br />
reflects a cliché drawn from the repertoire of the literary conception of the<br />
bandit.<br />
In the same period in Cilicia, similar conditions brought forth an enigmatic<br />
local dynast called Lysias. 46 Unlike Zeniketes and his rural stronghold,<br />
Lysias created an urban power base for himself, at Tarsus. Our source for<br />
Lysias, who is otherwise unknown, is Athenaeus, a very wide-ranging writer<br />
under the Principate. The context is a reckoning up of philosophers who<br />
exercised political power. 47 It transpires that Lysias was an Epicurean and<br />
was very well regarded in his home city of Tarsus. This gained him the<br />
position of ‘Priest of Hercules’, apparently a senior religious and political<br />
office in his community. He caused a great sensation when, following the<br />
expiry of the period for which he had been elected, he proved reluctant to<br />
lay down his post. Finally, and totally contrary to Epicurean teaching, which<br />
was against the undertaking of political office, he contrived to become a<br />
tyrant. Unfortunately, Athenaeus (or his source) was not interested in the<br />
precise conditions or the general background of Lysias’ seizure of power. On<br />
the other hand, he says much about the costume in which Lysias presented<br />
himself to the public as tyrant – an expensive military cloak over a purple<br />
tunic decorated with white stripes, white Laconian shoes and, for a headdress,<br />
a laurel crown made out of gold. This costly and extravagant outfit<br />
was, without doubt, a symbol of authority, its function being to afford this<br />
self-made despot the proper appearance of a legitimate ruler. This, at least,<br />
is the explanation of the same phenomenon in the case of the Sicilian<br />
slave kings. 48 Anyway, it appears that Lysias’ rich attire struck Athenaeus as<br />
unsuitable, and particularly so given the revolutionary social policy which<br />
he devised and which he attempted to bring in by radical means: ‘He then<br />
distributed the goods of the rich among the poor, murdering many who did<br />
not offer them of their own accord.’ 49 As it stands I find this story which<br />
makes Lysias out to be an ancient Robin Hood, frankly unhistorical; in any<br />
event, it defies proof. The socio-politically motivated notion of a redistribution<br />
of wealth is unusual but not impossible. Athenaeus’ report may contain<br />
a kernel of historical truth, going back to Lysias’ desire to mitigate social<br />
distress by a re-allocation of property in the form of, say, a Gracchan-style<br />
allotment of land. That such thinking is not inconceivable may be seen in<br />
the unconventional policy of Pompey the Great in respect of Cilicia. Following<br />
the pirate war of 67 bc, an attempt was made to reintegrate former<br />
pirates into society by means of land-allotments and resettlement. 50 In this,<br />
confiscation could scarcely have been avoided. Even supposing that Pompey’s<br />
motive was purely selfish, i.e., an increase in the number of his dependants<br />
and in his prestige, his resettlement policy remains a remarkable attempt<br />
to pacify the region. It managed to avoid something which was otherwise a<br />
feature of this period and, in particular, this area, namely the wholesale<br />
enslavement of prisoners-of-war. 51 It may therefore be taken as demonstrating<br />
that the Romans recognised the need for a reconciliatory social policy in<br />
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