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BANDITS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE<br />
129 Cobet, ‘Masada. Mythos’ (n. 127), 91f. (with bibliography). Cohen, ‘Masada’ (n. 128),<br />
394ff.<br />
130 Thuc. 1.22.1; on this see what is, in my opinion, the still unsurpassed commentary<br />
of Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums 5 , Bd. IV 1, Darmstadt 1954, 250f.<br />
131 A. van Hooff, Zelfdoding in de antieke wereld, Nijmegen 1990, 303 (references);<br />
114ff. for the motif of desperata salus. See also Cohen, ‘Masada’ (n. 128), 386–92<br />
(listing of and commentary on 16 cases).<br />
132 Liv. 21.14.1f. Val. Max. 6.6 ext. 1. Valerius Maximus dates the incident post<br />
duorum . . . Scipionum stragem, which cannot be true. For the context see J. Seibert,<br />
Hannibal, Darmstadt 1993, 70f.<br />
133 Cohen, ‘Masada’ (n. 128), 393, details this attitude with examples from the speech<br />
of Eleazar.<br />
134 Virg. Aen. 6.856f. For clementia as an expression of the power of the victor cf. M.<br />
Treu, ‘Zur clementia Caesars’, MH 5, 1948, 197–217. E. Konik, ‘Clementia Caesaris,<br />
als System der Unterwerfung der Besiegten’, in T. Yuge, M. Doi, eds, Forms of<br />
Control and Subordination in Antiquity, Tokyo 1988, 226–38.<br />
135 For Viriatus see above, pp. 45–7, for Bulla Felix below, p. 118.<br />
136 Dio 66.6.3.<br />
137 Jos. Bell. Iud. 1.7.5 (150).<br />
138 Jos. Bell. Iud. 4.1.10 (79). The supposition of Cobet, ‘Masada. Mythos’ (n. 127), 91<br />
and n. 75, that, without wishing to disparage female bravery, given the way the<br />
ancient mind worked the only survivors of Masada could have been women, gains<br />
strength from the observation that in Gamala there were also female survivors, who<br />
were later able to tell of the dramatic scenes there.<br />
139 Jos. Bell. Iud. 3.8.5 (361ff.).<br />
140 Jos. Bell. Iud. 3.8.7 (388f.).<br />
141 Jos. Bell. Iud. 3.8.7 (391).<br />
142 Elias Canetti sees the operation as a piece of calculated deceit on the part of<br />
Josephus. In Canetti’s study ‘The Survivor’ (part of the work ‘Mob and Power’,<br />
Hamburg 1960), special attention is paid to the case of Josephus, ‘because, as far as<br />
I know, there is no other example in world literature of a survivor’s account like<br />
this’ (p. 24 of the separate impression of ‘Der Überlebende’, Frankfurt (Suhrkamp)<br />
1975). According to Canetti, Josephus’ attitude is typical of ‘the deception of all<br />
leaders’ (p. 33): ‘They speak as if they would precede their followers to death. But<br />
what happens is that they send these off to destruction before them, in order to stay<br />
alive a bit longer themselves.’<br />
143 Josephus also explained and justified his basic renunciation of suicide by reference<br />
to the consequent violation of God’s command that man had no right freely to<br />
dispose of the life that He had given him.: Bell. Iud. 3.8.5 (369–71).<br />
6 IMPERIAL CHALLENGERS:<br />
BULLA FELIX AND MATERNUS<br />
1 For Severus’ itinerary see H. Halfmann, Itinera principum. Geschichte und Typologie der<br />
Kaiserreisen im römischen Reich (HABES, 2), Stuttgart 1986, 216ff., esp. 219.<br />
2 A.R. Birley, The African Emperor: Septimius Severus, London 1988, 155ff. (= Septimius<br />
Severus. The African Emperor, London 1971, 224ff., revised).<br />
3 Dio 76.3.1ff. Herodian 3.11.1ff. Birley, African Emperor (n. 2), 161ff. (= Septimius<br />
Severus 232ff.).<br />
4 Dio 76.7.4ff.<br />
5 Dio 76.7.1–3.<br />
6 Dio 76.10. W. Henze, s.v. Bullas, RE III, 1899, 1051. Bellen, Sklavenflucht 104f.;<br />
132f. Van Campen, Latrocinium 25–8. Birley, African Emperor (n. 2), 169 (= Septimius<br />
204