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BANDITS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE<br />
against supporters of Clodius Albinus is convincing in terms of context and<br />
chronology. 167<br />
Since it cannot be proved that Maternus was the instigator of all unrest<br />
indicated in Gaul and the Germanies in his period, and since Castinus’<br />
inscriptions are questionable as linking elements, it would seem best to steer<br />
clear of any assumption of a basic connection between Maternus and the<br />
Bagaudae.<br />
7 Maternus as a supposed usurper<br />
In the second part of his report on the activities of the deserters, Herodian<br />
first describes Maternus’ alleged intention of overthrowing Commodus and<br />
claiming the imperial throne for himself. 168 The planning and failure of<br />
this attempt at usurpation form the conclusion of the account. 169 The initial<br />
uprising was crushed only after the involvement of the respective provincial<br />
governors, ordered by Commodus to take active countermeasures after complaining<br />
about their negligence in combating the rebellion. That Pescennius<br />
Niger was put in charge of putting down the revolt should be seen as an<br />
invention of the author of the Historia Augusta, to support the credibility of<br />
his claim of friendship between Niger and Septimius Severus, at that time<br />
governor of Gallia Lugdunensis. 170 If the wax writing-tablet from Rottweil<br />
refers to the Bellum Desertorum, it follows that in the Agri Decumates the<br />
revolt was quelled at the latest by August 186. 171 As already mentioned, this<br />
document refers to sentences passed by Iuventius Caesianus, legate of Legio<br />
VIII. Maternus could have perished under such circumstances.<br />
But Herodian takes the story further. In a realistic assessment of his<br />
position Maternus realised that he could not risk open confrontation with<br />
the legions. On the other hand, his success had strengthened his resolve to<br />
accomplish some great deed – or perish gloriously. So he ordered his men to<br />
infiltrate Italy in small groups and by separate ways. Rome was the agreed<br />
rendezvous-point. An attempt on Commodus’ life was to be made on the<br />
festival of the Magna Mater, under cover of the fancy dress usual on this day.<br />
Maternus and his men had it in mind to get close to Commodus dressed as<br />
praetorian guardsmen, and for Maternus to kill the emperor when a favourable<br />
opportunity offered itself. But the plan was betrayed by some of his<br />
own followers. Maternus was arrested and put to death and his accomplices<br />
received the punishment they deserved. Herodian’s account of the end of<br />
Maternus once more confirms the rule that bandit challengers could be<br />
overcome only through treachery. The reason for this betrayal is also significant.<br />
According to Herodian, it was envy that drove Maternus’ comrades to<br />
take this step, because they saw ‘that they would now have to suffer him as<br />
a lord and emperor rather than as a bandit’. 172 In reading Herodian’s phrase<br />
as ‘because his men preferred a legitimate emperor to a robber chief ’, Brent<br />
Shaw not only mistranslates but also misinterprets his meaning. 173 Herodian<br />
132