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GUERRILLA LEADERS AS LATRONES<br />
explain his observation that there are even ‘bandit laws’ (leges latronum), i.e.,<br />
that even (or, especially) bandits live together according to established rules.<br />
According to Cicero, leges latronum were observable insofar as the leader of a<br />
group showed himself to be just; and justice was so powerful that it could<br />
even establish and increase the power of <strong>latrones</strong>. 81 The source of Viriatus’<br />
power was, therefore, his righteousness.<br />
Alongside Viriatus, the perfect model, other <strong>latrones</strong> paled into insignificance,<br />
not to mention, as we shall see below, his Roman opponents. Just one<br />
person in Antiquity could, however, have been a model for him, though<br />
more in the literary than in the historical sense. This is Hannibal, of whom<br />
we have already seen that he honed his strategic skills while a young bandit<br />
leader in Spain, just as Viriatus is supposed to have done in imitation of<br />
him two generations later. We have a character sketch of Hannibal by Livy<br />
which manifests striking similarities with the ones we have of Viriatus. 82<br />
To reckless courage in incurring dangers he united the greatest<br />
judgement when in the midst of them. No toil could exhaust his<br />
body or overcome his spirit. Of heat and cold he was equally tolerant.<br />
His consumption of meat and drink was determined by natural<br />
desire, not by pleasure. His times of waking and sleeping were not<br />
marked off by day or night: what time remained when his work<br />
was done he gave to sleep, which he did not court with a soft bed<br />
or stillness, but was seen repeatedly by many lying on the ground<br />
wrapped in a common soldier’s cloak amongst the sentinels and<br />
outguards. His dress was in no way superior to that of his fellows,<br />
but his arms and horses were conspicuous. Both of horsemen and of<br />
footsoldiers he was undoubtedly the first – foremost to enter battle,<br />
and last to leave it when fighting had begun. 83<br />
This extract shows the very high degree of correspondence between Hannibal<br />
(he of Roman myth) and Viriatus (likewise, he of Roman myth), 84 and gives<br />
an idea of how Livy’s portrait of Viriatus should be recognised as being very<br />
close to that of Hannibal. It also demonstrates the high level of idealisation<br />
that underpins the images of both these men. But while at least Livy attached<br />
a list of Hannibal’s vices to his praise of his virtutes, with regard to<br />
Viriatus he made no mention of any failings.<br />
In the universal respect of historians for Viriatus, there can be no doubt<br />
that a role was also played by their tacit agreement that the war in Spain was<br />
an expression of a somewhat crass imperialism, and so no glorious page in<br />
the annals of Rome. To be sure, such sensitivity was not new among Roman<br />
writers, as is shown not only by the tenor of the whole tradition in respect of<br />
the war against Viriatus, but also in the way in which one historian openly<br />
admitted the injustice of another of Rome’s wars: ‘The Cretan war, if the<br />
truth is to be told, was due solely to our desire to conquer that famous<br />
43