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IMPERIAL CHALLENGERS: BULLA FELIX AND MATERNUS<br />
explicitly adduces phthonos (‘ill-will’, ‘envy’, ‘jealousy’) as the motive for the<br />
betrayal. In other words, the bandits begrudged their leader imperial status,<br />
allowing tradition to attribute to this last act only a base, not a noble, motive.<br />
Though it is possible to speculate about the historical kernel of Maternus’<br />
rebellion in the first stage of its development, the communis opinio is that the<br />
second, more extensive, part of Herodian’s account is no more than fictional. 174<br />
Such an assessment may itself, however, be based on no more – or no less –<br />
than modern scholarship’s basic distrust of the credibility of Herodian. We<br />
will now see that though Maternus’ attempted coup may have been invented,<br />
the invention may not have been Herodian’s.<br />
8 Maternus and Bulla Felix: the ‘common’ and<br />
the ‘noble’ bandit<br />
We return to the observation that Herodian’s main source for his account of<br />
Maternus was in all likelihood Cassius Dio’s ‘History’. However, it seems at<br />
least possible that the basics of the story and the characterisation of Maternus<br />
might stem from neither Dio nor Herodian. Since what Dio said about<br />
Maternus has been lost the former idea cannot be tested directly. Moreover,<br />
readers of both authors may consider it absurd to ascribe to Dio literary<br />
traits which experts see as ‘Herodianic’. Deeply, perhaps too deeply, anchored<br />
in scholarship is the picture of a pair of mighty opposites, made<br />
up of ‘the high-ranking senator, Cassius Dio Cocceianus’ on the one side,<br />
and on the other, ‘the subordinate writer, Herodian’. 175 In his closing assessment<br />
of the Maternus story, G. Alföldy draws attention to a string of examples<br />
of ‘truly Herodianic’ narrative technique. 176 His setting of the rebellion<br />
within Herodian’s overall conception of a continuous series of attempts on<br />
Commodus’ life is highly convincing. However, some details in the story of<br />
Maternus may have been interpreted erroneously as deriving from Herodian,<br />
details which Herodian very probably did not invent himself, but drew from<br />
his source – Dio.<br />
Our analysis of the reports concerning Bulla Felix and related bandits has<br />
already shown that Dio the senator and historian was quite prepared fancifully<br />
to deck out episodes when he wished to communicate a particular<br />
‘emotional climate’ (Millar). We saw clearly that such episodes are expressions<br />
of Dio’s perception of trouble that would lead to the third-century<br />
‘Crisis’. However, the idea that it was Cassius Dio who originally sketched<br />
out the picture of Maternus that has come down to us through Herodian can<br />
be justified only if elements of Dio’s narrative technique can be identified in<br />
Herodian.<br />
Let us consider three examples. When Commodus discovered that Maternus<br />
was still undefeated, he reacted angrily and remonstrated furiously with<br />
the governors of the affected provinces. Commodus ordered them to pull<br />
themselves together and take active steps against the bandits. 177 When<br />
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