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IMPERIAL CHALLENGERS: BULLA FELIX AND MATERNUS
extent of the Bellum Desertorum emerges as very wide indeed. Herodian’s
reference, apropos the wide distribution of the trouble spots, to Gaul and
Spain, seems more trustworthy; and the idea of some sort of link between
Maternus and the Bagaudae receives significant confirmation since the evidence
for destruction in north-west Gaul, most recently pointed up by Picard,
fits in well with the notion of this area’s being the heart of the Bagaudic
movement.
Now this series of incidents, strung together to form a chain of evidence,
may well indicate that a number of regions in the general area of Gaul and
the Germanies suffered warlike incidents under Commodus, probably the
result of military threat, political instability and social crisis (whether real
or perceived). Maternus’ rebellion may, without doubt, be seen as manifestation
of this last. However, there is no proof that all these trouble-spots were
linked to the revolt; and, what is more, contemporary symptoms of crisis are
certainly to be found even further afield in Gaul. To name just one example:
around the time that Commodus succeeded Marcus Aurelius, Trier received
its first city wall, still evidenced by its mighty North Gate, the ‘Porta
Nigra’. 164 Since Trier had been granted colonial status under Augustus, the
construction of this wall can hardly be explained symbolically – as marking
the rank of colonia. And even if the wall was built close to the time of
Maternus’ rising, without further evidence no one would dream of supposing
that it was erected just because of it. It is more likely that ‘general
unrest on the frontiers of the Rhine and Danube made the Treveri think it
advisable to adorn their tribal capital with a circuit-wall’. 165 Contributory to
this ‘general unrest’ were, no doubt, numerous smaller incidents on the lines
of that of Maternus. Together with the new Germanic threat, they increased
the severity of the coming overall ‘Crisis’ of the third century, of which they
may be said to have been the harbingers. Thus it seems unlikely, and in
any case unproven, that Maternus’ revolt grew to such a size that it extended
from the upper Rhine to the far north-west of Gaul.
The only link between Maternus and the Bagaudae is the three inscriptions
of C. Iulius Septimius Castinus, each alike almost to the letter. 166 As
commander of a detached force of men seconded from the four German
legions, under the Severi, Castinus had directed operations ‘against renegades
and rebels’ (adversus defectores et rebelles). Given the hundred years or so
that separated Maternus and the Bagaudae, the unique evidence of this
inscription should, from the start, be called upon as a link between the two
only with great circumspection. That the renegades and rebels mentioned
were insurgent provincials, deserters, runaway slaves and other marginal
figures, who still consciously saw themselves as continuing a movement
put down in 186, is not particularly plausible and anyway lacking in hard
evidence. The suppression of a provincial uprising involving units from
four legions would probably have found greater mention in the sources.
On the other hand, the explanation that Castinus and his force proceeded
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