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BANDITS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE<br />
whose conditions of service had been rendered unbearable by unreasonable<br />
demands of which we know nothing. Finally, Bulla Felix, the ‘noble’ bandit<br />
who challenged the emperor, appears basically as the avenger of all those<br />
who suffered the consequences of the civil wars in general and, in particular,<br />
the pressure of taxes and exactions.<br />
As this short review has shown, to a certain extent the desire for vengeance<br />
characterises all types of <strong>latrones</strong>, in this respect making it difficult to<br />
distinguish between them. In what follows I will deal with only one specific<br />
variety of revenge which may be seen as the characteristic which links the<br />
members of a discrete group of political agitators. We have already met<br />
one of these in the chapter on Bulla Felix, the slave Clemens, alias Agrippa<br />
Postumus. By masquerading as his murdered master Clemens pursued a<br />
campaign of revenge against his killers. I shall go into further detail about<br />
this below. For the moment, it is sufficient here only to point up the two<br />
distinctive elements of the case: first, vengeance by a slave for a master fallen<br />
in dynastic conflict; and second, assumption of the identity of the fallen<br />
owner as the demagogic means of this revenge.<br />
Under the early Principate this nexus typified, more or less exactly, a<br />
series of incidents which occurred at the imperial court and in those of a<br />
number of client-kings. In examining these cases it will become clear that<br />
the sources refer to only a few of these ‘avengers’ directly as <strong>latrones</strong>. In this<br />
chapter, therefore, we drift somewhat far from the terminological hub of our<br />
study – but, it should be emphasised, not too far. In terms of the difference<br />
between ‘named bandits and implied bandits’ as touched on in the Introduction,<br />
it is important that all the avengers to be dealt with here were ascribed<br />
basic characteristics of the bandit (e.g., the creation of bands, mainly from<br />
those who had nothing more to lose, riff-raff, scum; and the goal of getting<br />
rich by dishonest means). This amounts to more or less explicitly naming<br />
them <strong>latrones</strong>. And, just as in the case of rebels and rivals, whom we have got<br />
to know as two other types of the politically motivated latro, the lifestyle<br />
of these avengers amounted, at least according to the critical portrayal of<br />
Roman writers, to banditry – the recruiting of gangs and the taking of booty.<br />
So they, too, qualify as a type of latro.<br />
A further feature of our avengers is that most of them took on the roles of<br />
masters who had fallen victim to dynastic struggles. This may at first seem<br />
strange, even ludicrous. However, given the restricted means of identification<br />
available in the ancient world this method was not really such a bad<br />
choice. Runaway slaves could frequently pass as freemen under false names, 9<br />
and for this reason the slave trade was closely regulated to protect customers. 10<br />
For political troublemakers who wished to make capital out of a false identity<br />
the ‘right’ name could be of enormous value. The proof of this is to be<br />
found in no less a person than Octavian. To begin with a claimant of little<br />
reputation, for his rise to power it was at least as important to him that<br />
he took on the name of Caesar as that he was able to draw extensively on the<br />
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