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REAL BANDITS<br />
perpetrators or victims. Most of the persons named are called by patronym,<br />
and so may be identified as freeborn. This is hardly surprising. It has been<br />
estimated that the number of slaves in Roman imperial Egypt was relatively<br />
small. The evidence from Euhemeria supports this generalisation: the social<br />
spectrum of the circle of people found in depositions allows one to conclude<br />
that slavery did not play a significant role in the economic activity of the<br />
place.<br />
I can now summarise the common features of the material from Euhemeria.<br />
Without exception, the offences registered there were just part of the petty<br />
criminality of everyday life in a rural community. Perpetrators and victims<br />
came from the same level in society, and in most cases were known to<br />
each other. The felons were therefore not people on the margin, but at the<br />
heart of the rural population. The sort of items that were stolen or robbed<br />
scarcely suggests the involvement of professional receivers; rather they helped<br />
opportunistic thieves to improve slightly their own living conditions.<br />
Such criminality, occurring within so close a community – both socially and<br />
topographically – is explicable only in terms of overwhelming local poverty.<br />
The insights obtained by way of example at Euhemeria are confirmed by<br />
Egyptian material from other periods and places, and even relate to other<br />
types of crime, including to organised banditry. 121 It is worth emphasising<br />
that these texts also come not from the period of the third-century ‘Crisis’,<br />
but from that of the pax Augusta.<br />
5 Conclusion<br />
Sufficient evidence from a wide variety of source types has been presented<br />
in this chapter to demonstrate ‘the ubiquity of the bandit’ in the Roman<br />
world. Insofar as this cross-section, obtained by random sampling, allows for<br />
generalisation, it would seem that crime, albeit exercised on a small scale,<br />
was a force that shaped the events of everyday life.<br />
The wide distribution of the material permits this conclusion to be<br />
applied to all periods and places of Roman history. Public authorities were<br />
unable either effectively to prevent crime or, as a matter of course, to successfully<br />
prosecute the wrongdoers. To simply ascribe this to an almost<br />
totally underdeveloped police service would be excessively anachronistic. To<br />
give any sort of priority to the combating of everyday petty crime would<br />
have been as alien to the thinking of the Roman state as it would have far<br />
exceeded its resources. Such means as were available were fully committed to<br />
military tasks necessitated by the waging of war. In noting the high level of<br />
crime even in the happiest times of the Principate, one should take into<br />
consideration the fact that the majority of the urban and rural population,<br />
lived in chronic poverty. 122 If, in absolute terms, we have relatively little<br />
evidence for poverty and petty criminality, this is just an indication of the<br />
commonness of phenomena which aroused no particular interest in anyone,<br />
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