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BANDITS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE<br />

For references and discussion see D. Kienast, Augustus. Prinzeps und Monarch,<br />

Darmstadt 1982, 39 and n. 169.<br />

82 For more on this see below, pp. 122–3.<br />

83 App. Civ. 1.119.553.<br />

84 Flor. 2.8.7: decus iusti exercitus.<br />

85 App. Civ. 1.116.542. Flor. 2.8.6.<br />

86 Flor. 2.8.6: ferrum ergastulorum.<br />

87 App. Civ. 1.117.547.<br />

88 Ibid.<br />

89 Dumont, Servus 269; 290 (quotation).<br />

90 Plin. Nat. 33.49 (after Timaeus): Cum sciamus interdixisse castris suis Spartacum nequis<br />

aurum haberet aut argentum, tanto plus fuit animi fugitivis nostris.<br />

91 Athen. 233 A. Plat. Leg. 742 A. Xen. Lak. pol. 7.6. See Dumont, Servus 291.<br />

92 So already Vogt, ‘Zur Struktur’ (n. 13), 36.<br />

93 App. Civ. 1.116.541. Bradley, Slavery and Rebellion 93, considers this an authentic<br />

quality of Spartacus, ‘a special inducement for encouraging discontented agricultural<br />

workers to join the growing movement’. In my opinion, here we have one<br />

element of the robber theme: Spartacus’ characteristics, already noted, are suspiciously<br />

similar to those of other <strong>latrones</strong> of the same type.<br />

94 App. Ib. 75.318. Cf. Diod. 33.1.3, 5; 33.21a. Cic. Off. 2.40. See above, pp. 42–3.<br />

95 App. Civ. 1.119.554–120.555.<br />

96 Flor. 2.8.12: pudoremque Romanum Licinius Crassus adseruit.<br />

97 Sall. Hist. 4.22 Maurenbrecher. App. Civ. 1.119.552. Plut. Crass. 10.2.<br />

98 Tac. Ann. 3.21.1. Cf. above, p. 51, n. 152.<br />

99 Plut. Crass. 11.7. App. Civ. 1.120.557. Several discrete units of Spartacus’ army<br />

survived the defeat (App. Civ. 1.120.559). They hid away in the wilds of Lucania<br />

and Bruttium and lived by banditry. Verres was asked to provide help to pursue<br />

them (Cic. Verr. 2.5.15[34]; 19[40]), and remnants of them were still in existence<br />

at the time of the Catilinarian conspiracy (Suet. Aug. 3.7. Sall. Cat. 30.2; 42.1;<br />

46.6; 56.5. Oros. 5.24.8. Cf. Maróti, ‘De suppliciis’ [n. 60], 53f.).<br />

100 Flor. 2.8.14: Spartacus ipse, in primo agmine fortissime dimicans, quasi imperator occisus<br />

est. (Trans. Forster, Loeb)<br />

101 Strab. 6.2.6 p. 273. Stein, s.v. Seluros, RE II A, 1921, 1323f.<br />

102 Cf. Dumont, Servus 291f.: ‘La leçon tirée par les Romains’.<br />

103 Strab. 6.2.6 p. 273.<br />

104 It is generally accepted that Selourus was a runaway slave: see K.M. Coleman, ‘Fatal<br />

Charades: Roman Executions Staged as Mythological Enactments’, JRS 80, 1990,<br />

(44–73) 53. In his case, however, the manner of his execution cannot be taken as an<br />

indicator of his unfree status: freeborn convicts ( perditi homines: Cic. Tusc. 2.41)<br />

were also occasionally thrown to the beasts (Coleman, art. cit. 54). Selourus’ single<br />

name and its likely Greek derivation may be taken as indicating servile status and<br />

an eastern Mediterranean origin, but should not be regarded as definite proof of<br />

this.<br />

105 For Strabo’s life see: R. Syme, ‘When did Strabo Write?’ in idem, Anatolica. Studies<br />

in Strabo, ed. Anthony Birley, Oxford 1995, 356–67. K. Clarke, ‘In Search of the<br />

Author of Strabo’s Geography’, JRS 87, 1997, (92–110) 99ff.<br />

106 Strab. 12.6.1–2 p. 567/8.<br />

107 Strab. 10.5.3 p. 486. Strabo says that the execution took place in the Forum.<br />

Coleman, ‘Fatal Charades’ (n. 104), 53, notes that the amphitheatre of Statilius<br />

Taurus was dedicated in 29 bc, and would surely have been chosen as the venue for<br />

the spectacle if it had been available at the time.<br />

108 Aug. Res Gestae 25.1.<br />

190

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