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IMPERIAL CHALLENGERS: BULLA FELIX AND MATERNUS<br />

These correspondences are important indicators. They do not prove but<br />

they harden suspicion that in many particulars what Herodian says about<br />

Maternus follows his source, the text of Cassius Dio. It is striking that all<br />

the points of contact between Herodian and Dio fall in the second part of<br />

the description, i.e., in the part dealing with the failed attack on Commodus.<br />

It would, of course, be going too far to speculate that the abortive attempt at<br />

usurpation should be seen as an authentic historical phenomenon, not an<br />

historian’s invention. However, it has to be said that modern historians<br />

would be more prepared to trust a report of an attempted coup by Maternus<br />

if this came from Cassius Dio rather than from Herodian. In any case, it has<br />

to be conceded that the narratives about Maternus and Bulla are very closely<br />

related in terms of their conception and in the manner of their expression.<br />

Thus it has at least again been made clear that Cassius Dio was perfectly able<br />

to tell, in Alföldy’s phrase, a ‘truly Herodianic’ story. What distinguishes<br />

him from Herodian is that he does this deliberately and to a purpose.<br />

9 Conclusion<br />

As we have seen, the fil rouge in the story of the bandit Bulla, in all its detail,<br />

is the constant putting down of state authority by the outlaw. 184 It is always<br />

the emperor, as the supreme representative of this authority, whose legitimacy<br />

is being called into doubt by the lawbreaker, who both challenges<br />

him and represents his mirror image. Armed with deep understanding and a<br />

high degree of moral legitimisation, Bulla himself incorporates the qualities<br />

of the ideal ruler: just, generous, cultivated, at one with his ‘subjects’ and<br />

unconquerable by rivals and enemies. His band is projected as the antithesis<br />

of the realities of Roman society. Its members are not squeezed for everything<br />

they have; on the contrary, they are properly paid for what they do,<br />

the slaves among them treated like human beings and adequately fed.<br />

Directly or indirectly, Cassius Dio conceives the story of Bulla Felix along<br />

lines laid down by Tacitus in his narrative concerning the appearance of<br />

the false Agrippa Postumus. Tacitus made the latter, a political adventurer<br />

with lofty ambitions, an instrument of hidden, but unforgiving, criticism of<br />

Tiberius. Dio copied this approach, down to specific details, in his treatment<br />

of Bulla, with the same aim of criticising the imperial office. To this end, he<br />

seized upon an oral tradition which contained a kernel of truth and filled it<br />

out with carefully considered particulars. By comparing them with his habits<br />

and preferences in respect of substance and style, much of this can be identified<br />

as typical of Dio. In the context of the part of his history which dealt<br />

with contemporary events, the story of Bulla Felix stands, alongside those of<br />

other bandits, as a symptom of the crisis of legitimacy in the Roman system<br />

of leadership at the time of the commencement of the imperial ‘Crisis’.<br />

Maternus the daring rascal was led on by essentially egoistical motives such<br />

as greed, ambition and a craving for fame. Among his men were disgraced<br />

135

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