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Sealing the STRAIT<br />

99<br />

and Oman is acutely aware that subsequent to any conflict, it will need to interact with<br />

Iran as an economic partner and ally. Disengaging itself from, or making only a minor<br />

contribution to, a conflict would prove easier for Oman because it exports all its energy<br />

from a port off the Arabian Sea. One example of Oman’s hesitance to irritate Iran is its<br />

rejection of a plan to construct a pipeline stretching from Saudi Arabia, across Oman<br />

to the Arabian Sea. Such a development might offend Iran as it would expand the<br />

capacity of alternative energy supply routes.<br />

Possible Scenarios<br />

In a scenario short of an all out war, where Iran might have a limited confrontation<br />

with US naval forces in the strait, the GCC would likely maintain a low profile whilst<br />

observing events as they unfold. Indeed, their socio-economic stability and future<br />

political and economic relations with Iran would be dependent on minimal stated<br />

involvement in a conflict. 104 Thus the GCC would privately urge the US to maintain<br />

a tough stance against Iran, whilst publicly advancing a neutral posture to avoid the<br />

wrath of Iran. This would necessarily include providing the US with access to Gulf<br />

bases and overflight rights, with the assumption that it would not publicise this access.<br />

In the event that Iran successfully developed nuclear weapons, analysts are divided<br />

regarding the willingness of the Gulf States to host military contingents on their<br />

shores. Whilst Henderson argues that the Gulf would be off limits for US aircraft<br />

carriers and naval ships, Connell believes that the Gulf States would not reduce their<br />

dependence on the US, which could not be prevented from entering the Gulf under<br />

LOSC clauses governing freedom of navigation. 105 (Such debate demonstrates how<br />

different assumptions create distinct predictions about a conflict in the strait, which<br />

may in turn influence different policy recommendations.)<br />

A regional wartime scenario<br />

However, if Iran were to completely close the sea lane to maritime traffic, it is unlikely<br />

that the GCC would remain neutral. An analysis of the GCC reactions will now be based<br />

on the following scenario:<br />

Provoked by a severe or existential threat, Iran carries out plans to<br />

incrementally block, with the hope to control, the flow of energy exports<br />

through the Strait of Hormuz. Both the <strong>Navy</strong> and the IRGC achieve this<br />

by mining the approaches - perhaps exaggerating public statements<br />

of the number and type of mines used - and mobilising small craft<br />

equipped with anti-ship missiles. Iran is successful in temporarily<br />

impeding maritime traffic due to the damage inflicted on oil tankers<br />

and the ensuing uncertainty of risk. This is not only a maritime issue,<br />

but a global energy concern, prompting the US to intervene with a

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