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the weaknesses of expeditionary operations when compared with continental defence<br />

141<br />

At an operational level, force projection in an expeditionary sense is compounded by<br />

logistical and administrative challenges. The Air Power Manual defines an expeditionary<br />

operation as ‘the projection of military power over extended lines of communication into<br />

a distant operational area to accomplish a specific objective.’ 23 <strong>Australian</strong> maritime and<br />

land doctrine espouse similar concepts. Accordingly, <strong>Australian</strong> forces must be capable<br />

of being tailored to conducting decisive action over the complete spectrum of operations,<br />

including: humanitarian, security, peace and stability and counter insurgency<br />

operations. Planning for such operations in a coalition force, the environment in which<br />

Australia is likely to continue to deploy, creates an inherent burden for the supply<br />

chain of the <strong>Australian</strong> Defence Organisation. Quick access to infrastructure, rapid<br />

deployment, rapid employment and immediate sustainment of deployed forces are<br />

also the hallmarks of successful expeditionary operations. 24 However, contentious<br />

issues like entry and exit points, customs, over flight authorisations, blanket diplomatic<br />

clearances and facility access agreements create administrative overheads with the<br />

potential to delay or affect force projection. 25 Such factors indicate the importance<br />

of establishing agreement among multinational partners, including host nation<br />

endorsement, during the conduct of expeditionary operations.<br />

At the strategic level, Australia’s current expeditionary commitments are beset by<br />

even greater difficulties. The problems facing near neighbours including East Timor,<br />

the Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea include weakness in the social, political<br />

and governance fabric of the nations themselves. In order to foster regional stability<br />

and cooperation, Australia faces the difficult prospect of institutional root and branch<br />

reform in these countries with no template on how to do so. Such assistance goes<br />

well beyond the traditional concept of providing developmental aid, and Australia’s<br />

expeditionary engagement in such places during the last decade has led to a regional<br />

perception of Australia acting as the US’s deputy sheriff in the Asia-Pacific. Australia’s<br />

involvement in the 1999 East Timor emergency simply underscored this perception.<br />

Although the US played no direct part in the intervention in East Timor, <strong>Australian</strong><br />

lobbying successfully resulted in America tacitly warning Indonesia that any<br />

Indonesian military opposition to <strong>Australian</strong> forces in Timor would result in massive<br />

economic ramifications. 26 When interviewed by The Bulletin magazine in 1999, Prime<br />

Minister John Howard aggravated circumstances by concurring that Australia was<br />

the US deputy sheriff when dealing with regional trouble spots. 27 The obtuse analogy<br />

damaged Australia’s key relationships throughout Asia and Australia was condemned<br />

for the patronising manner of its expeditionary practices. 28<br />

To compound this, in the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 attacks, Australia’s<br />

alliance with the US resulted in further critical scrutiny from its closest neighbours.<br />

In fact, ‘in some parts of the region at least, Canberra [was] viewed as the ally that<br />

cannot say ‘’no’’’, and the goal of defeating potential threats offshore has seen a return<br />

to policies akin to forward defence. 29 Today, there are ever increasing <strong>Australian</strong><br />

expeditionary commitments to the Middle East and Afghanistan. Professor Hugh White

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