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SEEU Review vol. 5 Nr. 2 (pdf) - South East European University

SEEU Review vol. 5 Nr. 2 (pdf) - South East European University

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Dr. Ercan Gündoğan<br />

Treanor points to the procedural aspect of liberal conception of justice as<br />

fairness. “The ability of citizens to present a complaint to an independent<br />

tribunal, is a typical example of a procedure, which is valued by liberals”.<br />

Actually, this is completely the case of Rawlsian theory that "process<br />

legitimises outcome", which is “probably the shortest summary of liberal<br />

philosophy”. What is said to the poor is “that poverty is not unjust, and that<br />

inequality is not tyranny”. Treanor suggest that “The alternative is simple:<br />

ethics should not concern itself with 'justice', but with injustice - and how to<br />

end it” (Treanor, 2003).<br />

As for the social unity and consensus on which society is based, Treanor<br />

observes that “Rawls also has a clear picture of what he wants to avoid: civil<br />

strife. Again he gives no justification for making the avoidance of civil strife<br />

a primary social goal. He simply assumes it to be self-evidently necessary<br />

that societies are like this” (Treanor, 2003). As we have seen above, Rawls<br />

often refers to religious tolerance which was developed after the wars of<br />

religion in Europe. Treanor states that “Not just Rawls, but the liberal<br />

tradition in general, wishes to structure society, so as to avoid civil strife.<br />

But that is a political preference of liberals, not a self-evident truth”. For<br />

him, “civil strife is the greatest evil for a society. Are there no greater evils?<br />

Is inequality not a greater evil than civil strife?”. It is a striking question, I<br />

think. If we consider the social and economic background of all ci vil wars,<br />

we can see that people do not make war simply for religious purposes.<br />

Rawls’ theory of justice follows dualist tradition and does not recognize<br />

the dialectic thinking. He sees the conflict but does not try to see the<br />

dialectical roots of the conflict. He sees the problem but does not see the<br />

mechanisms, which leads to the problem. Freedom and equality are not only<br />

values but also problems. Rawls resolves traditional conflict between these<br />

two values by giving the priority to the freedom over the equality. The only<br />

valid justification seems to be accepting the idea of man as end in itself. Man<br />

can not be an instrument for any higher value. This sort of liberal humanism<br />

illustrates the conceit of bourgeoisie. But, do not the mechanism and the<br />

dynamics of the liberal society make an instrument all men? Rawls’<br />

contribution to liberalism is his breaking the ties with market liberalism. But,<br />

without market liberalism, is the political liberalism possible? He seems to<br />

argue that socialist economic system can be compatible with political<br />

liberalism as defined by the political conception of justice as fairness. The<br />

question can be asked in reverse: can socialist politics be possible with<br />

market liberalism? If this is possible, why will we call it socialist politics?<br />

Rawls has no such conception like “driving forces of society”. Driving<br />

forces, to him, are only the general acceptance of some principles. For<br />

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