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Inclusive Scholarship: Developing Black Studies - Ford Foundation

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<strong>Inclusive</strong> <strong>Scholarship</strong>: <strong>Developing</strong> <strong>Black</strong> <strong>Studies</strong> in the United States 29<br />

Crisis of Establishment<br />

Between 1966 and 1970, most American colleges and universities added to<br />

their curricula courses on Afro-American life and history, and most made<br />

efforts to include <strong>Black</strong>s on their faculties and administrative staffs. The fact<br />

that schools like Macalester, Bowdoin, Colby, Reed, Dartmouth, and Carleton<br />

(to pick just a few names), which were relatively free of pressure,<br />

joined the rush argues that there was something more to explain it than the<br />

threat of students disrupting academic life. Like all other aspects of the<br />

movements for peace and civil rights, the demand for university reform by<br />

<strong>Black</strong> students was national in its impact as well as local in particular manifestations.<br />

In some sense, the urge for change was everywhere; whether or<br />

not a campus had militant <strong>Black</strong> students making demands, the urge for reform<br />

was in the air.<br />

I suggest three motives, independent of immediate student pressure,<br />

that compelled college administrators and faculty to join the march for<br />

change. First, there was, particularly among liberal-minded academics, a<br />

genuine sense of American higher education’s complicity in the social inequities<br />

resulting from racism-indifference to <strong>Black</strong> undergraduate enrollment,<br />

insensibility to non-White subject matter in the curriculum, and the<br />

discouragement of <strong>Black</strong> scholars. Second, it had become fashionable to<br />

bring <strong>Black</strong>s onto staffs and faculties, just as it had earlier become fashionable<br />

to recruit “hardcore, inner-city kids” for admission. The sense of competition<br />

among institutions should not be discounted; the legitimate<br />

purpose of the act too often was joined by the wish to do at least as well as<br />

comparable institutions. Third, in their effort to attract the “best” applicants<br />

from a generation of teenagers noted for their social consciousness,<br />

college administrators felt it important to look reasonably open to change,<br />

to appear to be progressive without compromising integrity. A course or<br />

two on <strong>Black</strong> history or culture could achieve that end.<br />

The great majority of institutions added courses pertinent to Afro-<br />

Americans and, as a direct result or not, experienced little or no student disruption;<br />

most changes involved merely a course or two and could hardly be<br />

called a program in <strong>Black</strong> <strong>Studies</strong>. Yet, from 1966, student disorders were

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