Inclusive Scholarship: Developing Black Studies - Ford Foundation
Inclusive Scholarship: Developing Black Studies - Ford Foundation
Inclusive Scholarship: Developing Black Studies - Ford Foundation
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30 <strong>Inclusive</strong> <strong>Scholarship</strong>: <strong>Developing</strong> <strong>Black</strong> <strong>Studies</strong> in the United States<br />
increasingly common, and no college or university could be indifferent to,<br />
or uninfluenced by, events at San Francisco State, Cornell, Harvard, Wesleyan,<br />
and so on. It was widely assumed that disruptions of the sort that had<br />
occurred at those institutions could be avoided, if at all, only by swift and<br />
significant reform.<br />
With the spurt of <strong>Black</strong> enrollment in 1966, students and administrators<br />
began a process of negotiation aimed at correcting the problems perceived<br />
by <strong>Black</strong> students. One problem was that many <strong>Black</strong> students felt<br />
themselves to be educationally disadvantaged compared to their White<br />
peers; they wanted remedial programs that would compensate for their poor<br />
high schools (poor because White society made them so) and poor study<br />
habits. Problems also arose because of a deep sense of alienation from the institutions<br />
and their goals. This alienation was often expressed by defining<br />
schools as “White,” as a part of a “White, racist system.” <strong>Black</strong>s’ success and<br />
achievement within these institutions could come only if they“Whitewashed<br />
their minds” and alienated themselves from “their people” and “their community.”<br />
In this view, while college may have been a necessary route to upward<br />
mobility, success within the college would be purchased through the<br />
denial of one’s “<strong>Black</strong>ness” and through co-optation by the system. This was<br />
the <strong>Black</strong> version of the widespread (and,among many youngAmericans,the<br />
rampant) alienation from mainstream, conventional, middle-class America.<br />
For <strong>Black</strong> undergraduates, the solution to this dilemma was an assertion of<br />
<strong>Black</strong>ness: beauty, culture, community, etc. The newly developing <strong>Black</strong> student<br />
associations, therefore, pressed to make the college environment congenial<br />
and hospitable to what they described as <strong>Black</strong> values and culture.<br />
They wanted student activities for <strong>Black</strong> students, <strong>Black</strong> cultural centers.<br />
Sometimes they asked for separate dormitories (or <strong>Black</strong> floors or sections<br />
of dormitories); they established <strong>Black</strong> tables in dining halls and treated<br />
White students with the same hostility and contempt they assumed Whites<br />
had for them. They almost always pressed for the appointment of <strong>Black</strong> faculty<br />
and for the introduction of courses “relevant to us as <strong>Black</strong> people.”<br />
<strong>Black</strong> student leaders found some sympathetic ears among faculty<br />
members, administrators, and White students, but their demands also created<br />
hostility among the same groups. To some, the demand for remedia-