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Dissertation_Dr Faisal Almubarak

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land uses backed with detailed zoning regulations. 63 Such sorting of land uses have been<br />

largely based on assumptions peculiar to land market in Western societies.<br />

These plans were a manifestation of assumptions such as those of Western welfare<br />

economics which view zoning as a way for public authorities to rectify defects (e.g.<br />

negative externalities) in the land market, such as the separation of incompatible land uses.<br />

For example, Doxiadis Plan created large residential tracts with subdivisions that gave few<br />

residential units per acre in the northern Riyadh while residential uses with more units per<br />

acre were located in the south-east parts of the city. Lots were rectangular, and the city was<br />

zoned so that the northern areas were given larger lots, hence encouraging higher-income<br />

households to live in the north and lower-income groups in the unpopular southern part of<br />

Riyadh where lots were smaller. The Plan introduced an economic social order to the city,<br />

one that sorts income groups in space, in contrast to the mixed and semi-autonomous<br />

traditional quarter system. Hitherto such income-based division, in contrast to sociallybased<br />

traditional organization, not applicable to the traditional Arab-Islamic built<br />

environments. It also institutionalized the concept of the setback, thus encouraging the<br />

villa, a housing unit surrounded by open space.<br />

The fission from the traditional design standards of the medina was culminated by the<br />

adoption of Doxiadis' City Master Plan for Riyadh in 1973 by the Council of Ministers.<br />

The approach of contracting Western consultants to prepare master plans was in vogue in<br />

many Third World and Developing countries. They were archetypical solutions to rapidly<br />

expanding cities. Master city plans are long-range, multi-phase conceptualizations of a<br />

town's future growth. They constitute comprehensive land use and infrastructure<br />

development plans, projected in tune with vigorous national economic growth schemes, all<br />

sought to facilitate economic prosperity and social stability through manipulating the spatial<br />

system. Along with the housing loans provided through the REDF, Riyadh's new Master<br />

Plan institutionalized the grid and indoctrinated the villa as the preferred form of laying new<br />

districts by setting rectilinear lot-sizes, and enforcing set-backs regulations. 64<br />

Yet, as was the case in many Developing countries whose societies undergo massive<br />

transformation, these plans were more technical documents than realistic programs which<br />

reflect the communities' individual needs and the actual requirements of these cities. They<br />

reflect an elitist form of decision-making process in which planners attempt to meet central<br />

authority goals and claim foresight on behalf of those affected by their decisions. A recent

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