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Dissertation_Dr Faisal Almubarak

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258<br />

all attracted nomads, ruralites and immigrants from distant settlements and Arab countries<br />

as well. Consequently, government services were expanded to meet the increasing demand<br />

for public services and educational facilities generated by population growth and improved<br />

living conditions in Arar and the region it served. For example, between 1973 and 1986,<br />

the number of schools increased from 15 to 39 while the number of students increased<br />

from 9,583 in 1982 to 16,594 in 1989. Arar was supplied its administrative components, a<br />

regional imarah (principality or emeer's governorhsip), police station and mail and<br />

telegram office. Construction activity prospered in response to increasing demand for<br />

buildings setting a north-west growth pattern.<br />

While some migrants managed to obtain dwellings through the formal housing<br />

market, others were forced to live in temporary units. Peripheral growth surpassed the<br />

sluggish physical planning and growth controls as practiced by the municipality.<br />

Consequently, there was no uniformity governed peripheral growth. Shanty towns were<br />

comprised of tents, as well as mud and concrete structures, while others were built with<br />

scrap materials. Few paid attention to uniformity and land ownership. Outside the original<br />

Tapline Houses, modern villa type residences mingled with "Arabic" houses, or biout<br />

sha'abiyah (a modified version of which the organization of indoor spaces matched that of<br />

courtyard mud houses, i.e. introverted arrangement of rooms, but built with modern<br />

building materials and modified fenestration). Communities that were dominated by such<br />

hybrid architecture were commonly referred to as 'ahieaa Sha'abiyah (popular or<br />

communities of the masses). 11 They were usually inhabited by low income households.<br />

For instance, in 1973, monthly income for households that lived in concrete (modern villa<br />

type), the popular, the mud houses and the shanty towns (denoted as "others") were SR<br />

1,140, SR 860, SR 720 and SR 390 respectively. 12 The original rectilinear layout of the<br />

Tapline Houses' land subdivision remained dominant. Commercial and public land uses<br />

were clustered around the central thoroughfare (later called King Abdul-Aziz) which<br />

continued as the town's major commercial center. The Imarah (Principality) which was<br />

located at the eastern end of Arar formed an opposing magnet, hence strengthening the eastwest<br />

linear pattern of Arar's urban form.<br />

Generally speaking, Arar is essentially a modern, planned town. Its development has<br />

passed through five major planning phases or experiments, (1) the original Tapline plan of<br />

the early 1950s, (2) land tenure, (3) the 1960s' expansion of the Tapline plan, (4) the 1973

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