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Dissertation_Dr Faisal Almubarak

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214<br />

modern ones capable of meeting the rising demands of the population. The improved<br />

living standards and government spending, all contributed to city expansion.<br />

The realization of these targets has come at the expense of state intervention.<br />

Bestowed with immense oil revenues, the state spearhead the march to modernization. In<br />

the prevalence of overcrowded neighborhoods lay not only the danger of disease and<br />

degradation of social mores but also the latent prospect of widespread revolutionary<br />

sentiments, which previously surfaced during the 1950s and the 1960s. Yet, sharing<br />

national resources did not necessarily mean sharing decision making. In their shift to<br />

comprehensive physical planning, that is to city master plans, planners failed to include the<br />

city's residents. Citizens were not informed on their city's destiny, and businessmen were<br />

not consulted on the economic value of the new plan. Both groups were perceived, by<br />

administrators and planners, as uneducated on the complex techniques of the modern city<br />

planning. Due to this exclusion of the populace, city planning remained highly technical<br />

and bureaucratic.<br />

The Doxiadis Plan was organized around a system of two-by-two kilometer superblocks.<br />

Such a repetitive framework was justified for its flexibility, a crucial criterion for a<br />

city undergoing rapid growth (Figure 6.13). The Doxiadis planners envisioned a<br />

functional city, predicated on a modular grid, simple, straight forward, easy and legible<br />

urban framework for a city's population growing at 100,000 per annum. It was projected<br />

that the 1970 plan would serve the city's needs up to the year 2,000. The municipality<br />

(Amanat Madinat Arriyadh) was to preside on the implementation of zoning regulations<br />

outlined in Doxiadis' plan. For example, regulations required that land owners provide up<br />

to 30 percent of their subdivision land for streets, open space and, if large enough, public<br />

services, such as a school. Land developers and individual house builders were required to<br />

meet the detailed instruction on building codes including height, lot size, setbacks and<br />

residential type. The application of these regulations has resulted in profound similarity<br />

between communities within the cities and among cities.<br />

The 1968 Doxiadis' master plan for Riyadh, which was put into effect in 1971, and<br />

its subsequent regulations set the direction for future growth. The consequence was a city<br />

organized into the modern, high-income north and the semi-traditional, low-income south.<br />

For example, the Plan proposed average plot sizes ranging between 150 m 2 and 250 m 2 for<br />

South and old Riyadh; minimum 400 m 2 for the northern part. As such, the Plan ignored

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