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Dissertation_Dr Faisal Almubarak

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347<br />

Notes to Chapter IX<br />

1<br />

The ability of powerful actors to influence the urban process holds, though at a different degree, in<br />

democratic free-market economies such as the United States. In his article, "Economics and Zoning<br />

Laws", William A. Fischel criticizes traditional economic theories for downplaying political factors in<br />

analyzing zoning and related land use controls. He argues for a property-rights approach to zoning,<br />

because it addresses "the motives of zoning officials realistically, "and "places zoning in its proper<br />

sphere, local politics." Fischel argues for an "economic theory of politics" to understand zoning. He<br />

shows how politicians, doing what they are supposed to do in a democratic society, will use zoning to<br />

win voters support by yielding to their demands. For example, the "special-interest model" addresses<br />

the fact that voters cannot follow closely what is going on. This leaves ample space for special<br />

interest groups to influence officials to whom they promise campaign contributions.<br />

2<br />

In most cases, contemporary amirs do not necessarily belong to a noble local family in the town or<br />

city. Especially, in regions with vital economic and political weight, a senior member of the A1 Saud<br />

dynasty is appointed as amir.<br />

^<br />

It must be noted here that in addition to these tasks, local amirs exercise symbolic traditional duties<br />

such as those of the majlis (See footnote 11, Chapter HI).<br />

4<br />

Virtually, all Saudi planners and bureaucrats who I interviewed during the information gathering stage<br />

of this study acknowledged the need to search a compromising urban paradigm that blends modem<br />

technology with traditional values. Being pragmatics, they admitted that with their ramshackle mud<br />

communities, unproperly serviced and inaccessible to automobiles, etc., traditional centers of Saudi<br />

settlements lost against the Westernized modern suburbs. What is lacking is a vision of how to forgo<br />

the "enticing" reality for an unclear idealism.<br />

5<br />

Approximately 50% of Riyadh's population lives in 50 square kilometers, or 5% of the city's area of<br />

1062 square kilometers. Source: High Commission for the Development of Arriyadh. Program for the<br />

Development of the Governing Palace Area: Third Stage (Rabi Awwal, 1409/1989), 3.<br />

6 Fahad A1 Saud (the King). "Public Speech Addressing the Saudi Students in the US, 11/23/1404H." In<br />

Wathaek Littariekh, Mukhtarat min Kalimat wa Liqaat Jalalat al Malik Fahad bin Abdul-Aziz<br />

[Documents for History: Selective Speeches by H.M. King Fahad Al Saud]. Riyadh: Ministry of<br />

Information, no date of publication, not dated), 260.<br />

7<br />

See discussion of Islamic inheritance law under land tenure in Chapter II and, in Chapter V, under home<br />

ownership.<br />

8 To help relieve housing shortages and to entice employment, some government agencies and military<br />

departments built their own housing complexes which were only distributed to their employees.<br />

9 Peter Rowe, "Dual Aspects of Tradition in Saudi Arabian Urban Housing Development," In Setha Low<br />

and Erve Chambers, Housing Culture and Design: A Comparative Perspective (Philadelphia:<br />

University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989), 314.<br />

C.E. Black. The Dynamics of Modernization: A Study in Comparative History (New York: Harper &<br />

Row, Publishers, 1966), 32.

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