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to Du Toit (1997:7). However, very few protests against it took place; instead people<br />

were attempting to block its proceedings and that, according to Du Toit (1997), was<br />

tantamount to the acceptance <strong>of</strong>its process.<br />

The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission were based on other<br />

models <strong>of</strong> similar commissions, especially the Chilean and Argentinean models.<br />

However, the Chilean model influenced the South African TRC because:<br />

~ It did not seek criminal prosecutions for perpetrators: instead it (was)<br />

committed to amnesty for the sake <strong>of</strong>national reconciliation<br />

~ It wanted to discover and accommodate the truth concerning the fate <strong>of</strong><br />

victims in order to restore their human and civic digoity<br />

DEMOCRATIC PROCESS<br />

The South African model differed from the Chilean and international models<br />

because it was established through the public debates about its objectives and<br />

parliamentary hearings and debates on its specific terms<br />

<strong>of</strong> reference and the<br />

appointment <strong>of</strong>its commissioners. It was not a Presidential Commission or a tribunal. It<br />

was also characterized by its public hearings with media coverage. Its agenda was also<br />

set through "a process <strong>of</strong>highiy publicized negotiations."<br />

The character <strong>of</strong> the TRC changed as its actors changed. The TRC was part <strong>of</strong><br />

the negotiated political settlement towards democratization and national reconciliation<br />

in Kempton Park, South Africa in 1993.All the major political parties were part <strong>of</strong> the<br />

process. Dealing with the past meant focusing on the perpetrators and acknowledging<br />

the victims. This was developed by human rights non-governmental organisations<br />

(NGO's), and other civil rights organisations. The appointment <strong>of</strong> Archbishop<br />

299

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