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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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98 Responses to Sexual Slavery<br />

<strong>The</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> gender divisions in post-war BiH can be expressed by<br />

the decline <strong>of</strong> women’s place in the public sphere, whether it be in the<br />

employment market or local politics, this despite international efforts<br />

to promote gender awareness (Firmo-Fontan, 2000). Within her area <strong>of</strong><br />

investigation, located in Canton 10, the author noticed the inequalities<br />

<strong>of</strong> employment between men and women, prompted by the slow<br />

<strong>economy</strong>, and itself an expression <strong>of</strong> the feminization <strong>of</strong> poverty. Added<br />

to these inequalities are the divisions within the female gender,<br />

prompted by the separation <strong>of</strong> the women to protect, who have rights,<br />

that is, the Bosnian women, and the <strong>new</strong> ‘others’, trafficked women<br />

used as commodities. While the international community has been<br />

promoting gender equalities within post-war BiH, the detached attitude<br />

<strong>of</strong> international staff with regards to sexual <strong>slavery</strong>, in the same manner<br />

as that <strong>of</strong> local individuals, illustrates a general failure to understand<br />

peace beyond the cessation <strong>of</strong> armed violence, as well as to conceptualize<br />

structural violence as the prime dynamic hindering the growth <strong>of</strong> a<br />

‘decent society’, whereby the institutionalization <strong>of</strong> equality stems from<br />

the cultural, the legislative, the economic and the <strong>political</strong>. <strong>The</strong> international<br />

failure to bring sustainable peace to BiH can be explained by<br />

the fact that it has encouraged short-term centralized reconstruction<br />

initiatives to the detriment <strong>of</strong> sustainable development tailored to suit<br />

specific circumstances while evolving in a multitrack setting, that is<br />

bottom-up and top-down post-conflict rehabilitation (Firmo-Fontan,<br />

2003b). <strong>The</strong> author’s experience as a democratization <strong>of</strong>ficer for the<br />

OSCE was symptomatic <strong>of</strong> the aforementioned trend. Indeed, as she was<br />

asked to act within the remit <strong>of</strong> the mandate that was set for her by<br />

the OSCE Head Office in Sarajevo, she was unable to suit the needs<br />

<strong>of</strong> her community specifically. This discrepancy between the field and<br />

the think-tank finds its most acute expression in the international<br />

community’s approach to sexual <strong>slavery</strong>. As a matter <strong>of</strong> fact, for other<br />

internationals who do not use the services <strong>of</strong> a brothel as such, the issue<br />

becomes all too familiar and sometimes trivialized. In some instances<br />

the issue has become ‘normalized’. <strong>The</strong> first <strong>of</strong>ficial meeting that the<br />

author (in her capacity with the OSCE) had with the mayor <strong>of</strong> Grahovo,<br />

Mr Slobodan Sabljic, was held in the restaurant <strong>of</strong> the local brothel,<br />

with <strong>of</strong>ficial representatives <strong>of</strong> the UNHCR and the Bosnian-Croat<br />

Federation government. Upon enquiry, she was told that the only two<br />

sex workers present were there <strong>of</strong> their own free will. One <strong>of</strong> them was<br />

serving during the meal. A subsequent informal interview with one <strong>of</strong><br />

the women showed that she was from Ukraine and had to sell sex as a<br />

way to repay her pimp for buying her at the local auction. <strong>The</strong> premises

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