3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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98 Responses to Sexual Slavery<br />
<strong>The</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> gender divisions in post-war BiH can be expressed by<br />
the decline <strong>of</strong> women’s place in the public sphere, whether it be in the<br />
employment market or local politics, this despite international efforts<br />
to promote gender awareness (Firmo-Fontan, 2000). Within her area <strong>of</strong><br />
investigation, located in Canton 10, the author noticed the inequalities<br />
<strong>of</strong> employment between men and women, prompted by the slow<br />
<strong>economy</strong>, and itself an expression <strong>of</strong> the feminization <strong>of</strong> poverty. Added<br />
to these inequalities are the divisions within the female gender,<br />
prompted by the separation <strong>of</strong> the women to protect, who have rights,<br />
that is, the Bosnian women, and the <strong>new</strong> ‘others’, trafficked women<br />
used as commodities. While the international community has been<br />
promoting gender equalities within post-war BiH, the detached attitude<br />
<strong>of</strong> international staff with regards to sexual <strong>slavery</strong>, in the same manner<br />
as that <strong>of</strong> local individuals, illustrates a general failure to understand<br />
peace beyond the cessation <strong>of</strong> armed violence, as well as to conceptualize<br />
structural violence as the prime dynamic hindering the growth <strong>of</strong> a<br />
‘decent society’, whereby the institutionalization <strong>of</strong> equality stems from<br />
the cultural, the legislative, the economic and the <strong>political</strong>. <strong>The</strong> international<br />
failure to bring sustainable peace to BiH can be explained by<br />
the fact that it has encouraged short-term centralized reconstruction<br />
initiatives to the detriment <strong>of</strong> sustainable development tailored to suit<br />
specific circumstances while evolving in a multitrack setting, that is<br />
bottom-up and top-down post-conflict rehabilitation (Firmo-Fontan,<br />
2003b). <strong>The</strong> author’s experience as a democratization <strong>of</strong>ficer for the<br />
OSCE was symptomatic <strong>of</strong> the aforementioned trend. Indeed, as she was<br />
asked to act within the remit <strong>of</strong> the mandate that was set for her by<br />
the OSCE Head Office in Sarajevo, she was unable to suit the needs<br />
<strong>of</strong> her community specifically. This discrepancy between the field and<br />
the think-tank finds its most acute expression in the international<br />
community’s approach to sexual <strong>slavery</strong>. As a matter <strong>of</strong> fact, for other<br />
internationals who do not use the services <strong>of</strong> a brothel as such, the issue<br />
becomes all too familiar and sometimes trivialized. In some instances<br />
the issue has become ‘normalized’. <strong>The</strong> first <strong>of</strong>ficial meeting that the<br />
author (in her capacity with the OSCE) had with the mayor <strong>of</strong> Grahovo,<br />
Mr Slobodan Sabljic, was held in the restaurant <strong>of</strong> the local brothel,<br />
with <strong>of</strong>ficial representatives <strong>of</strong> the UNHCR and the Bosnian-Croat<br />
Federation government. Upon enquiry, she was told that the only two<br />
sex workers present were there <strong>of</strong> their own free will. One <strong>of</strong> them was<br />
serving during the meal. A subsequent informal interview with one <strong>of</strong><br />
the women showed that she was from Ukraine and had to sell sex as a<br />
way to repay her pimp for buying her at the local auction. <strong>The</strong> premises