3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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Amanda Berlan 169<br />
as ‘you never know when you might need them’. <strong>The</strong> average Ghanaian<br />
child – particularly one raised in a village – bears little resemblance<br />
to the dream child <strong>of</strong> Western development campaigns, who is a freethinking,<br />
highly opinionated agent, fully engaging in the freedom from<br />
child labour by practising his or her right to play and socialize. In this<br />
cultural context the rights-based approach may be slow to gain popular<br />
acceptance. Child rights organizations will only find a sympathetic<br />
audience to their cause if their agenda is carefully formulated to balance<br />
local beliefs with global concerns. For example, asserting a child’s right<br />
to play over his or her duty to contribute to the household income may<br />
be less fruitful than sensitizing people to the way in which child labour<br />
interferes with education (which will be expanded on in the later part<br />
<strong>of</strong> this chapter), or to the growing problem <strong>of</strong> the commercial exploitation<br />
<strong>of</strong> children.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ghanaian culture <strong>of</strong> reciprocity and work, and the concern for<br />
family cohesiveness lend support to child work in the family context.<br />
Broadly speaking, cocoa producers justify the presence <strong>of</strong> their children<br />
on cocoa farms in such terms. Children need to participate in household<br />
affairs to gain maturity and become responsible; it is also necessary<br />
for them to work hard and help their parents. However, within this<br />
perspective the children’s actual role may vary immensely between<br />
different farms and different areas. As illustrated above, factors affecting<br />
the degree <strong>of</strong> their involvement include whether there is a satisfactory<br />
school nearby, or poverty levels. Other variations include the age <strong>of</strong><br />
the child or even the time <strong>of</strong> year, as some seasons are more labour<br />
intensive than others. I gained further insight into the farmers’ attitudes<br />
towards child labour following the Kuapa Kokoo AGM held in July 2002.<br />
<strong>The</strong> co-operative Kuapa Kokoo, which supplies the cocoa for Fair Trade<br />
chocolate, frequently addresses the farmers on the problem <strong>of</strong> child<br />
labour and it was raised once more during the course <strong>of</strong> this meeting.<br />
One group <strong>of</strong> farmers discussed the issue further when they returned to<br />
the village. <strong>The</strong>ir overall feeling was that child exploitation is a bad<br />
thing and they would therefore not employ children to work on their<br />
farms on the same terms as adult labourers. Yet most <strong>of</strong> their children<br />
attended school and they saw it as fitting and appropriate to involve<br />
their children in farm work when they were not in school. This attitude<br />
is reinforced by the lack <strong>of</strong> realistic alternatives to child work in rural<br />
areas. Indeed it is hard to argue against child labour when the alternative<br />
is inactivity and boredom. In this respect, child work on cocoa<br />
farms in Ghana must be understood as an alternative to doing nothing<br />
rather than an alternative to going to school or taking part in any other