3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
142 Child Labour in Latin America<br />
tackle the problem, although this has slowly been changing (Boyden<br />
and Rialp, 1995, p. 183; Lansky, 1997, p. 241). This is demonstrated by<br />
the international concerted efforts that have been undertaken – at least<br />
in theory – to combat the worst forms <strong>of</strong> child labour. Since poverty is<br />
cited time and again as the main reason why children work, the link<br />
between the two merits a closer examination. 15 Poverty and child<br />
labour are linked in that child labour is a response to poverty; children<br />
have to work to support themselves and their families. 16 However, the<br />
ILO argues that child labour perpetuates poverty in that it generates<br />
poorly skilled adults who will only be able to work in low-wage labour<br />
and it might also stunt the physical and intellectual development <strong>of</strong> the<br />
<strong>new</strong> generation <strong>of</strong> workers. This is referred to as the ‘life-cycle poverty<br />
trap’ (ILO, 1997).<br />
Relationship between children and work<br />
Two main views on the relationship between children and work<br />
emerge from the literature. <strong>The</strong> first view, which has determined much<br />
<strong>of</strong> the discourse on child labour, holds that childhood and work are<br />
incompatible. <strong>The</strong> second view, which is more progressive than the first,<br />
holds that children have a right to work, while work is understood as<br />
a valued and meaningful activity which gives children ‘a status within<br />
society’ (Renteln, as cited in De Feyter, 1996, p. 439). Indeed, Salazar<br />
argues that traditionally child labour was perceived as ‘an essentially<br />
socializing activity intended to impart skills [for every-day life]’. This<br />
was particularly important in the rural sector, where families <strong>of</strong>ten rely<br />
on subsistence farming and the whole family is expected to contribute<br />
(Salazar, 2001, p. 175). 17 <strong>The</strong>se skills would basically prepare children<br />
for adulthood, which was seen much more as a gradual process and not<br />
a complete separation <strong>of</strong> childhood and adulthood, as it <strong>of</strong>ten is perceived<br />
<strong>of</strong> in the West (although the West is slowly moving back towards<br />
including work experience in education). Furthermore, many Western<br />
children grow up doing the shopping, washing the car or helping out<br />
on the family farm during summer holidays. <strong>The</strong>se skills develop the<br />
child’s sense <strong>of</strong> belonging and a sense <strong>of</strong> responsibility both for him or<br />
herself and for the wider family unit. Child labour is acceptable, as long<br />
as the child is not subjected to hazardous and exploitative forms <strong>of</strong> work.<br />
This becomes more problematic in an economic context where there<br />
has been a shift in the purpose <strong>of</strong> the child’s work away from a socializing<br />
and educative function to that <strong>of</strong> earning a wage (Salazar, 2001).<br />
<strong>The</strong> changes brought about by globalization in the trade and labour