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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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Krishna Upadhyaya 123<br />

Despite, therefore, having been freed from bondage, traditional caste<br />

relations continue, thus requiring workers to work as forced labour, as<br />

‘prescribed’ by religio-cultural practices. This is enforced by the power<br />

<strong>of</strong> the upper caste moneyed section <strong>of</strong> the population. Effectively, therefore,<br />

labourers may simply move from debt-bondage to other forms <strong>of</strong><br />

bondage.<br />

Traditionally, in South Asia, a loan is not the liability <strong>of</strong> an individual,<br />

but <strong>of</strong> the whole family, chiefly because property is shared among the<br />

children <strong>of</strong> the household. In view <strong>of</strong> the children’s filial duties towards<br />

their parents, a loan passes from one generation to the next. With<br />

enforcement by the higher caste and moneyed classes, the children, in<br />

turn, are entrapped into bondage. Muniappa, from Chakka Shandra<br />

village, is aged 45. He started jeeta, earning R15 per year at the age <strong>of</strong><br />

seven. He does not know the size <strong>of</strong> the loan granted to his father by the<br />

landlords. His youngest son has continued as jeeta, replacing his father,<br />

while his other children work as coolie (wage labour). <strong>The</strong> eldest son is<br />

receiving training in connection with electric wiring, while the younger<br />

son, having recently been released, is taking up traditional work.<br />

<strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> males only, both adults and children, in Karnataka, rather<br />

than the whole family as in other areas, is seen as a change in the<br />

system. New and emerging non-traditional types <strong>of</strong> bondage exist in<br />

other sectors <strong>of</strong> the community, such as in brick kilns and gem-cutting.<br />

This is due to lack <strong>of</strong> work in the villages and significant movement<br />

among workers.<br />

Seasonal debt also exists, mainly in sugar cane farming. Often such<br />

debts are repaid by labour, but not everyone achieves this, with the<br />

result that many remain indebted. A difference between the old form <strong>of</strong><br />

bondage and the <strong>new</strong> and emerging forms is shown in the relationship<br />

between the master and his workers. <strong>The</strong> traditional relationship was<br />

feudal and personal. At the same time, it was very much an extreme form<br />

<strong>of</strong> exploitation. With the <strong>new</strong> types <strong>of</strong> bondage, there is much more <strong>of</strong><br />

a business relationship between an employer and his workers. Often,<br />

this work is temporary, with the bonded labourers being migrant and<br />

seasonal.<br />

Nobody knows how many bonded labourers work in agriculture in<br />

India, although there are estimates <strong>of</strong> the overall number <strong>of</strong> bonded<br />

labourers. Such estimates, however, vary, with significant differences in<br />

the numbers estimated by the government and by non-governmental<br />

organizations. <strong>The</strong> government <strong>of</strong> India maintained: ‘as per reports<br />

received from state governments the total number <strong>of</strong> bonded labourers<br />

identified and freed was 256,000, <strong>of</strong> whom 223,000 have been

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