3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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Krishna Upadhyaya 123<br />
Despite, therefore, having been freed from bondage, traditional caste<br />
relations continue, thus requiring workers to work as forced labour, as<br />
‘prescribed’ by religio-cultural practices. This is enforced by the power<br />
<strong>of</strong> the upper caste moneyed section <strong>of</strong> the population. Effectively, therefore,<br />
labourers may simply move from debt-bondage to other forms <strong>of</strong><br />
bondage.<br />
Traditionally, in South Asia, a loan is not the liability <strong>of</strong> an individual,<br />
but <strong>of</strong> the whole family, chiefly because property is shared among the<br />
children <strong>of</strong> the household. In view <strong>of</strong> the children’s filial duties towards<br />
their parents, a loan passes from one generation to the next. With<br />
enforcement by the higher caste and moneyed classes, the children, in<br />
turn, are entrapped into bondage. Muniappa, from Chakka Shandra<br />
village, is aged 45. He started jeeta, earning R15 per year at the age <strong>of</strong><br />
seven. He does not know the size <strong>of</strong> the loan granted to his father by the<br />
landlords. His youngest son has continued as jeeta, replacing his father,<br />
while his other children work as coolie (wage labour). <strong>The</strong> eldest son is<br />
receiving training in connection with electric wiring, while the younger<br />
son, having recently been released, is taking up traditional work.<br />
<strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> males only, both adults and children, in Karnataka, rather<br />
than the whole family as in other areas, is seen as a change in the<br />
system. New and emerging non-traditional types <strong>of</strong> bondage exist in<br />
other sectors <strong>of</strong> the community, such as in brick kilns and gem-cutting.<br />
This is due to lack <strong>of</strong> work in the villages and significant movement<br />
among workers.<br />
Seasonal debt also exists, mainly in sugar cane farming. Often such<br />
debts are repaid by labour, but not everyone achieves this, with the<br />
result that many remain indebted. A difference between the old form <strong>of</strong><br />
bondage and the <strong>new</strong> and emerging forms is shown in the relationship<br />
between the master and his workers. <strong>The</strong> traditional relationship was<br />
feudal and personal. At the same time, it was very much an extreme form<br />
<strong>of</strong> exploitation. With the <strong>new</strong> types <strong>of</strong> bondage, there is much more <strong>of</strong><br />
a business relationship between an employer and his workers. Often,<br />
this work is temporary, with the bonded labourers being migrant and<br />
seasonal.<br />
Nobody knows how many bonded labourers work in agriculture in<br />
India, although there are estimates <strong>of</strong> the overall number <strong>of</strong> bonded<br />
labourers. Such estimates, however, vary, with significant differences in<br />
the numbers estimated by the government and by non-governmental<br />
organizations. <strong>The</strong> government <strong>of</strong> India maintained: ‘as per reports<br />
received from state governments the total number <strong>of</strong> bonded labourers<br />
identified and freed was 256,000, <strong>of</strong> whom 223,000 have been