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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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Amanda Berlan 173<br />

the nutritional intake <strong>of</strong> working and non-working children may further<br />

explain the low educational achievement <strong>of</strong> working children. Many <strong>of</strong><br />

the children who work on cocoa farms eat very little or not at all before<br />

going to work on the farm or to school. <strong>The</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> low food<br />

intake and physical effort is likely to exacerbate their exhaustion and<br />

affect concentration and learning ability. This idea is supported by a<br />

survey carried out in the Abura Asebu Kwamankese District <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Ghana Education Service, which found that virtually all pupils in the<br />

district went to school on an empty stomach, and that this impaired<br />

their capacity to pay attention during lessons (Daily Graphic, 30 May<br />

2001). In addition, the heavy loads carried by children to or from the<br />

farm (generally on their heads) are a cause <strong>of</strong> muscular strain, headaches<br />

and injuries, which can also hinder academic progress. <strong>The</strong> conditions<br />

described above practically illustrate how child labour can perpetuate<br />

poverty by undermining the effectiveness <strong>of</strong> education and thus form<br />

part <strong>of</strong> the ‘life-cycle poverty trap’ identified in Chapter 3.<br />

A further factor contributing to low educational achievement and lack<br />

<strong>of</strong> interest in school is the use <strong>of</strong> English as the teaching language at<br />

secondary level, which is a source <strong>of</strong> difficulty in rural areas where local<br />

languages are spoken much more commonly. Most children in villages<br />

have not acquired a satisfactory level <strong>of</strong> English by the time they enter<br />

secondary school. However, teaching children in their own language at<br />

secondary level would be impossible for a variety <strong>of</strong> reasons such as the<br />

lack <strong>of</strong> appropriate terminology in local languages for certain subjects.<br />

A fuller discussion on the use <strong>of</strong> English at secondary level, which is<br />

both an extremely complex and controversial topic in Ghana, is unfortunately<br />

beyond the scope <strong>of</strong> the present chapter.<br />

<strong>The</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> corporal punishment, generally in the form <strong>of</strong> caning,<br />

also does little to stimulate the children’s interest in school. While<br />

corporal punishment is common in Ghana, in my experience there is<br />

a marked difference between the way it is carried out in the home and<br />

in school. In the home <strong>of</strong>fences likely to incur it include disobedience<br />

to parents, laziness or theft and I have not witnessed a child being<br />

beaten without having committed some kind <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fence. Some children<br />

have even admitted to me later that their parents were right to punish<br />

them and that they had misbehaved. In the context <strong>of</strong> school physical<br />

punishment has much more ill-defined boundaries. <strong>The</strong> justification<br />

given by teachers and parents for corporal punishment is that it helps<br />

maintain order and discipline and motivates the children to work hard.<br />

While it may achieve these aims, confusion and resentment arises in the<br />

minds <strong>of</strong> children due to a number <strong>of</strong> factors. First, not all teachers cane

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