3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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Amanda Berlan 173<br />
the nutritional intake <strong>of</strong> working and non-working children may further<br />
explain the low educational achievement <strong>of</strong> working children. Many <strong>of</strong><br />
the children who work on cocoa farms eat very little or not at all before<br />
going to work on the farm or to school. <strong>The</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> low food<br />
intake and physical effort is likely to exacerbate their exhaustion and<br />
affect concentration and learning ability. This idea is supported by a<br />
survey carried out in the Abura Asebu Kwamankese District <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Ghana Education Service, which found that virtually all pupils in the<br />
district went to school on an empty stomach, and that this impaired<br />
their capacity to pay attention during lessons (Daily Graphic, 30 May<br />
2001). In addition, the heavy loads carried by children to or from the<br />
farm (generally on their heads) are a cause <strong>of</strong> muscular strain, headaches<br />
and injuries, which can also hinder academic progress. <strong>The</strong> conditions<br />
described above practically illustrate how child labour can perpetuate<br />
poverty by undermining the effectiveness <strong>of</strong> education and thus form<br />
part <strong>of</strong> the ‘life-cycle poverty trap’ identified in Chapter 3.<br />
A further factor contributing to low educational achievement and lack<br />
<strong>of</strong> interest in school is the use <strong>of</strong> English as the teaching language at<br />
secondary level, which is a source <strong>of</strong> difficulty in rural areas where local<br />
languages are spoken much more commonly. Most children in villages<br />
have not acquired a satisfactory level <strong>of</strong> English by the time they enter<br />
secondary school. However, teaching children in their own language at<br />
secondary level would be impossible for a variety <strong>of</strong> reasons such as the<br />
lack <strong>of</strong> appropriate terminology in local languages for certain subjects.<br />
A fuller discussion on the use <strong>of</strong> English at secondary level, which is<br />
both an extremely complex and controversial topic in Ghana, is unfortunately<br />
beyond the scope <strong>of</strong> the present chapter.<br />
<strong>The</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> corporal punishment, generally in the form <strong>of</strong> caning,<br />
also does little to stimulate the children’s interest in school. While<br />
corporal punishment is common in Ghana, in my experience there is<br />
a marked difference between the way it is carried out in the home and<br />
in school. In the home <strong>of</strong>fences likely to incur it include disobedience<br />
to parents, laziness or theft and I have not witnessed a child being<br />
beaten without having committed some kind <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fence. Some children<br />
have even admitted to me later that their parents were right to punish<br />
them and that they had misbehaved. In the context <strong>of</strong> school physical<br />
punishment has much more ill-defined boundaries. <strong>The</strong> justification<br />
given by teachers and parents for corporal punishment is that it helps<br />
maintain order and discipline and motivates the children to work hard.<br />
While it may achieve these aims, confusion and resentment arises in the<br />
minds <strong>of</strong> children due to a number <strong>of</strong> factors. First, not all teachers cane