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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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Geraldine Van Bueren 241<br />

United States’. 11 Yet, the Supreme Court in Korematsu versus United<br />

States ruled at the time, that such internment was constitutional. 12<br />

This form <strong>of</strong> comparative historical jurisprudence is necessary if<br />

reliance is to be placed on a legal precedent approach. However, there<br />

is a second approach which can succeed even against those who assert<br />

that the problem with claiming reparations for the African slave trade was<br />

that most <strong>of</strong> it was not in breach <strong>of</strong> international law or domestic law.<br />

This second approach overcomes the principal legal objection to a claim<br />

against reparations for <strong>slavery</strong> and the slave trade <strong>of</strong> retrospectivity.<br />

<strong>The</strong> international legal system is still based largely upon state consent<br />

and states are legally able to agree among themselves, even in the<br />

absence <strong>of</strong> any judicial action, to the principle <strong>of</strong> reparations for <strong>slavery</strong><br />

and to evolve a mechanism for restitution. <strong>The</strong>re is nothing to prevent<br />

states deciding among themselves on how to consider the issue <strong>of</strong><br />

reparations or to appoint a body to decide to whom, by whom, for<br />

what, as well as the issue <strong>of</strong> the form <strong>of</strong> reparations and quantum<br />

(the amount <strong>of</strong> compensation to be paid).<br />

<strong>The</strong> worrying point for some states would be that in departing from<br />

such fundamental principles <strong>of</strong> international law, it leaves them more<br />

vulnerable to claims for other historical human rights violations including<br />

colonialism. However, this vulnerability is significantly diminished<br />

if the slave trade were acknowledged as a form <strong>of</strong> piracy. <strong>The</strong> alternative,<br />

a lack <strong>of</strong> acknowledgement for wrongdoings, which risks social amnesia,<br />

is much worse.<br />

Having made a case for reparations based on the two complementary<br />

arguments <strong>of</strong> viewing the slave trade as piracy and motivating the international<br />

community <strong>of</strong> states to decide to move towards setting up a<br />

body to oversee reparations for the slave trade and <strong>slavery</strong>, we now have<br />

to look into some <strong>of</strong> the practical details which <strong>of</strong>ten cause objections<br />

to any form <strong>of</strong> reparations across such a long time span.<br />

To whom, by whom and for what?<br />

<strong>The</strong> first question is who is eligible for reparations for the slave trade.<br />

If we accept that reparations can be paid for violations which occurred<br />

in previous centuries but whose effects can still be felt today, then we<br />

have to question why reparations should be limited to Africa and the<br />

descendants <strong>of</strong> Africans. What distinguishes the African slave trade from<br />

the slave trade in South America, for example? 13 Vattel even justified<br />

such <strong>slavery</strong>, arguing that if it was to convert Indians to Catholicism<br />

then such treatment was in accordance with international law. It is at<br />

least arguable that for some <strong>of</strong> the populations in South America and

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