3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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Geraldine Van Bueren 241<br />
United States’. 11 Yet, the Supreme Court in Korematsu versus United<br />
States ruled at the time, that such internment was constitutional. 12<br />
This form <strong>of</strong> comparative historical jurisprudence is necessary if<br />
reliance is to be placed on a legal precedent approach. However, there<br />
is a second approach which can succeed even against those who assert<br />
that the problem with claiming reparations for the African slave trade was<br />
that most <strong>of</strong> it was not in breach <strong>of</strong> international law or domestic law.<br />
This second approach overcomes the principal legal objection to a claim<br />
against reparations for <strong>slavery</strong> and the slave trade <strong>of</strong> retrospectivity.<br />
<strong>The</strong> international legal system is still based largely upon state consent<br />
and states are legally able to agree among themselves, even in the<br />
absence <strong>of</strong> any judicial action, to the principle <strong>of</strong> reparations for <strong>slavery</strong><br />
and to evolve a mechanism for restitution. <strong>The</strong>re is nothing to prevent<br />
states deciding among themselves on how to consider the issue <strong>of</strong><br />
reparations or to appoint a body to decide to whom, by whom, for<br />
what, as well as the issue <strong>of</strong> the form <strong>of</strong> reparations and quantum<br />
(the amount <strong>of</strong> compensation to be paid).<br />
<strong>The</strong> worrying point for some states would be that in departing from<br />
such fundamental principles <strong>of</strong> international law, it leaves them more<br />
vulnerable to claims for other historical human rights violations including<br />
colonialism. However, this vulnerability is significantly diminished<br />
if the slave trade were acknowledged as a form <strong>of</strong> piracy. <strong>The</strong> alternative,<br />
a lack <strong>of</strong> acknowledgement for wrongdoings, which risks social amnesia,<br />
is much worse.<br />
Having made a case for reparations based on the two complementary<br />
arguments <strong>of</strong> viewing the slave trade as piracy and motivating the international<br />
community <strong>of</strong> states to decide to move towards setting up a<br />
body to oversee reparations for the slave trade and <strong>slavery</strong>, we now have<br />
to look into some <strong>of</strong> the practical details which <strong>of</strong>ten cause objections<br />
to any form <strong>of</strong> reparations across such a long time span.<br />
To whom, by whom and for what?<br />
<strong>The</strong> first question is who is eligible for reparations for the slave trade.<br />
If we accept that reparations can be paid for violations which occurred<br />
in previous centuries but whose effects can still be felt today, then we<br />
have to question why reparations should be limited to Africa and the<br />
descendants <strong>of</strong> Africans. What distinguishes the African slave trade from<br />
the slave trade in South America, for example? 13 Vattel even justified<br />
such <strong>slavery</strong>, arguing that if it was to convert Indians to Catholicism<br />
then such treatment was in accordance with international law. It is at<br />
least arguable that for some <strong>of</strong> the populations in South America and