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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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50 Migration and Security<br />

procedures accompanying asylum claims and the removal <strong>of</strong> undesired<br />

aliens could be put to better use – for instance in improved protection<br />

<strong>of</strong> displaced people in their region <strong>of</strong> origin and/or economic development.<br />

Moreover, the need for migrants to rely on the services <strong>of</strong> human<br />

smugglers would be virtually eliminated, which also means less money<br />

flowing into the smugglers’ pockets that subsequently would either be<br />

invested in increasing the volume <strong>of</strong> their smuggling business or in<br />

other illicit activities like drugs or arms trafficking.<br />

Second, a more liberal regime facilitates the natural desire <strong>of</strong> people<br />

in a globalized world for mobility. In effect, migrants would arrive –<br />

probably in larger numbers than today – but are also more likely to<br />

leave once their movement has served its purpose. One observation<br />

should underline this point’s relevance. In the early 1960s to mid-1970s<br />

when Western European states pursued liberal guest worker policies,<br />

the flows <strong>of</strong> migrant workers were considerable yet the stock <strong>of</strong> such<br />

immigrants present at any one time was modest in size. With the<br />

economic downturn <strong>of</strong> the mid-and late 1970s due to the oil crises,<br />

guest worker policies were terminated. New arrivals other than those<br />

necessarily allowed under international obligations (basically family<br />

reunification and asylum) were no longer welcome. In many instances<br />

this put those immigrants then present in a difficult position: should<br />

they return or stay? Staying would mean an uncertain and unplanned<br />

future in <strong>new</strong> surroundings. Returning would mean losing one’s right <strong>of</strong><br />

abode once and for all. To many this was not a promising prospect,<br />

especially not when their country <strong>of</strong> origin experienced poor economic<br />

conditions, as was <strong>of</strong>ten the case. As a result, many immigrants who<br />

under ‘normal’ conditions – that is, with the prospect <strong>of</strong> possible<br />

re-immigration – would have gone home after a number <strong>of</strong> years now<br />

saw themselves forced to stay on and to have their families join them.<br />

In effect, and contrary to what governments had expected, the stocks<br />

<strong>of</strong> immigrants rapidly increased, even though the <strong>economy</strong> could not<br />

absorb those additional <strong>new</strong>comers. In other words, had these governments<br />

not panicked in the face <strong>of</strong> economic crisis it might very well<br />

have been that at present the size <strong>of</strong> the immigrant communities in<br />

Western European countries would have been smaller. In that way,<br />

present-day immigration policies, too, would be less problem-oriented<br />

and many <strong>of</strong> the severe problems surrounding the integration <strong>of</strong> those<br />

immigrants and their descendants would be less significant (for a full<br />

discussion <strong>of</strong> those see Doomernik, 1998b).<br />

Third, more mobility increases the likelihood that remittances –<br />

already a very important source <strong>of</strong> foreign currency in many developing

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