3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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50 Migration and Security<br />
procedures accompanying asylum claims and the removal <strong>of</strong> undesired<br />
aliens could be put to better use – for instance in improved protection<br />
<strong>of</strong> displaced people in their region <strong>of</strong> origin and/or economic development.<br />
Moreover, the need for migrants to rely on the services <strong>of</strong> human<br />
smugglers would be virtually eliminated, which also means less money<br />
flowing into the smugglers’ pockets that subsequently would either be<br />
invested in increasing the volume <strong>of</strong> their smuggling business or in<br />
other illicit activities like drugs or arms trafficking.<br />
Second, a more liberal regime facilitates the natural desire <strong>of</strong> people<br />
in a globalized world for mobility. In effect, migrants would arrive –<br />
probably in larger numbers than today – but are also more likely to<br />
leave once their movement has served its purpose. One observation<br />
should underline this point’s relevance. In the early 1960s to mid-1970s<br />
when Western European states pursued liberal guest worker policies,<br />
the flows <strong>of</strong> migrant workers were considerable yet the stock <strong>of</strong> such<br />
immigrants present at any one time was modest in size. With the<br />
economic downturn <strong>of</strong> the mid-and late 1970s due to the oil crises,<br />
guest worker policies were terminated. New arrivals other than those<br />
necessarily allowed under international obligations (basically family<br />
reunification and asylum) were no longer welcome. In many instances<br />
this put those immigrants then present in a difficult position: should<br />
they return or stay? Staying would mean an uncertain and unplanned<br />
future in <strong>new</strong> surroundings. Returning would mean losing one’s right <strong>of</strong><br />
abode once and for all. To many this was not a promising prospect,<br />
especially not when their country <strong>of</strong> origin experienced poor economic<br />
conditions, as was <strong>of</strong>ten the case. As a result, many immigrants who<br />
under ‘normal’ conditions – that is, with the prospect <strong>of</strong> possible<br />
re-immigration – would have gone home after a number <strong>of</strong> years now<br />
saw themselves forced to stay on and to have their families join them.<br />
In effect, and contrary to what governments had expected, the stocks<br />
<strong>of</strong> immigrants rapidly increased, even though the <strong>economy</strong> could not<br />
absorb those additional <strong>new</strong>comers. In other words, had these governments<br />
not panicked in the face <strong>of</strong> economic crisis it might very well<br />
have been that at present the size <strong>of</strong> the immigrant communities in<br />
Western European countries would have been smaller. In that way,<br />
present-day immigration policies, too, would be less problem-oriented<br />
and many <strong>of</strong> the severe problems surrounding the integration <strong>of</strong> those<br />
immigrants and their descendants would be less significant (for a full<br />
discussion <strong>of</strong> those see Doomernik, 1998b).<br />
Third, more mobility increases the likelihood that remittances –<br />
already a very important source <strong>of</strong> foreign currency in many developing