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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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192 <strong>The</strong> Global Framework for Development<br />

were once seen to be primarily about external security and internal law<br />

and order but now include managing the <strong>economy</strong> and providing many<br />

positive forms <strong>of</strong> social support. This is not a uniform shift. Indeed part<br />

<strong>of</strong> what is exciting within even mainstream International Relations is a<br />

wide-ranging debate on just what the responsibilities <strong>of</strong> states are – their<br />

nature and extent – vis à vis one another, in the areas <strong>of</strong> development,<br />

environmental protection, intervention for the sake <strong>of</strong> human rights<br />

and so on. <strong>The</strong> outcome <strong>of</strong> these debates, which are really about how<br />

the international society now conceives itself, will make a big difference<br />

as to how well or badly development for the poor really goes. Development<br />

ethicists need to be in there, informing those policy debates with<br />

the leaven <strong>of</strong> cosmopolitan ideas. Since the internationalist approach<br />

is not necessarily averse to cosmopolitan ideas – in many formulations<br />

it is seen as the best way to advance these ideas in the real world<br />

(Bull, 1977; Navari, 2000) – the cosmopolitan needs to emphasise this<br />

consideration in the formation <strong>of</strong> national polices and international<br />

agreements. This has a bearing on the role <strong>of</strong> individuals; I return to this<br />

point later.<br />

Someone who adopts a thorough-going cosmopolitan approach to<br />

international issues like world poverty will generally recognize that<br />

adjustments within mainstream thinking about these issues has not gone<br />

far enough and that a more radical critique is also needed – a critique<br />

more in the mode <strong>of</strong> discomforting prophets (not negotiators or reconcilers)<br />

or working against the grain (rather than working with the grain).<br />

This critique should not replace engagement by other development<br />

ethicists in the negotiation <strong>of</strong> <strong>new</strong> consensuses but should exist alongside<br />

it, since different people should do different things. Its goal is<br />

change in the medium or long term, not the short term. <strong>The</strong> critique<br />

may focus on the failure to get priorities right, that is on the normative<br />

dimension <strong>of</strong> policy, or it may focus on the assumptions <strong>of</strong> the international<br />

order itself – that states are and have a right to be the key players<br />

in the international arena. Let us take these in turn. I shall start with two<br />

examples relating to the priorities issue – policies on aid, and responses<br />

to September 11th 2001.<br />

Critique <strong>of</strong> foreign aid<br />

Have rich countries really got their priorities right in respect to the levels<br />

<strong>of</strong> aid that they give, bilaterally or multilaterally? Quite apart from any<br />

moral issue connected with failing to reach the 0.7 per cent target rich<br />

countries actually agreed on in the 1970s, the more basic question is:<br />

should countries be willing to make contributions which might actually

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