3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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192 <strong>The</strong> Global Framework for Development<br />
were once seen to be primarily about external security and internal law<br />
and order but now include managing the <strong>economy</strong> and providing many<br />
positive forms <strong>of</strong> social support. This is not a uniform shift. Indeed part<br />
<strong>of</strong> what is exciting within even mainstream International Relations is a<br />
wide-ranging debate on just what the responsibilities <strong>of</strong> states are – their<br />
nature and extent – vis à vis one another, in the areas <strong>of</strong> development,<br />
environmental protection, intervention for the sake <strong>of</strong> human rights<br />
and so on. <strong>The</strong> outcome <strong>of</strong> these debates, which are really about how<br />
the international society now conceives itself, will make a big difference<br />
as to how well or badly development for the poor really goes. Development<br />
ethicists need to be in there, informing those policy debates with<br />
the leaven <strong>of</strong> cosmopolitan ideas. Since the internationalist approach<br />
is not necessarily averse to cosmopolitan ideas – in many formulations<br />
it is seen as the best way to advance these ideas in the real world<br />
(Bull, 1977; Navari, 2000) – the cosmopolitan needs to emphasise this<br />
consideration in the formation <strong>of</strong> national polices and international<br />
agreements. This has a bearing on the role <strong>of</strong> individuals; I return to this<br />
point later.<br />
Someone who adopts a thorough-going cosmopolitan approach to<br />
international issues like world poverty will generally recognize that<br />
adjustments within mainstream thinking about these issues has not gone<br />
far enough and that a more radical critique is also needed – a critique<br />
more in the mode <strong>of</strong> discomforting prophets (not negotiators or reconcilers)<br />
or working against the grain (rather than working with the grain).<br />
This critique should not replace engagement by other development<br />
ethicists in the negotiation <strong>of</strong> <strong>new</strong> consensuses but should exist alongside<br />
it, since different people should do different things. Its goal is<br />
change in the medium or long term, not the short term. <strong>The</strong> critique<br />
may focus on the failure to get priorities right, that is on the normative<br />
dimension <strong>of</strong> policy, or it may focus on the assumptions <strong>of</strong> the international<br />
order itself – that states are and have a right to be the key players<br />
in the international arena. Let us take these in turn. I shall start with two<br />
examples relating to the priorities issue – policies on aid, and responses<br />
to September 11th 2001.<br />
Critique <strong>of</strong> foreign aid<br />
Have rich countries really got their priorities right in respect to the levels<br />
<strong>of</strong> aid that they give, bilaterally or multilaterally? Quite apart from any<br />
moral issue connected with failing to reach the 0.7 per cent target rich<br />
countries actually agreed on in the 1970s, the more basic question is:<br />
should countries be willing to make contributions which might actually