3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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112 Migrant Domestic Workers and Slavery<br />
employ than others. 6 In London, for example, employers want Indians<br />
because they are docile, Filipinas because they are good with children<br />
and so on. This makes it difficult for African women in particular to<br />
find work. And when they do get jobs they tend to be lower paid,<br />
further from central London and longer hours than other people. While<br />
women from some countries have had to pay agencies, and therefore<br />
are more likely to be middle class, to have a level <strong>of</strong> education and<br />
to speak some English, women from other countries are more <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
from the rural poor. Lack <strong>of</strong> English again acts against them in the job<br />
market. <strong>The</strong> harder it is to find work the more likely you are to stay in<br />
an unsatisfactory, or even an abusive job. So migrant domestic worker<br />
does not signify a homogeneous group: while some workers are well<br />
paid and have, albeit in the face <strong>of</strong> great difficulties, negotiated reasonable<br />
conditions, others are abused and exploited and there are certain<br />
groups (national, economic, religious) who are more likely to have<br />
difficulties than others.<br />
<strong>The</strong> problem with fetishizing victimhood is that by focusing on<br />
individual, dreadful cases <strong>of</strong> abuse and how benevolent and horrified<br />
supporters can ‘help’, it is too easy to think that the less dreadful cases<br />
do not matter. It is important to recognize that there are differences, not<br />
least because those who are in the stronger position, who speak English,<br />
who are better educated, have more days <strong>of</strong>f, who live more centrally,<br />
and so on, will inevitably find it easier to participate and take lead organizational<br />
positions. So, unless we recognize such differences between<br />
workers, the organization risks leaving the most powerless behind. It is<br />
by raising the situation <strong>of</strong> the most powerless that all migrant domestic<br />
workers are empowered because, slave or happy family member, the<br />
mechanisms and structures that keep them doing the dirty work are<br />
shared.<br />
And this is the problem with the rhetoric <strong>of</strong> <strong>slavery</strong>. Because one <strong>of</strong><br />
the functions <strong>of</strong> the term ‘slave’ is that this is unacceptable. This is one<br />
reason why it is undoubtedly an effective campaigning tool, for it is<br />
a term that captures the moral high ground. ‘We’ cannot accept <strong>slavery</strong>.<br />
It is not ‘civilized’. It is a word like ‘genocide’: we can never condone it.<br />
So, who is the villain in the slave trade? <strong>The</strong> traders and the slave<br />
masters. Who are the villains in the domestic worker industry? Evil and<br />
abusive employers. This focus enables a denial <strong>of</strong> the materialistic<br />
context, the structural forms <strong>of</strong> power that <strong>of</strong>ten allow the possibility <strong>of</strong><br />
abuse in the first place. So structural adjustment, for example, or the<br />
immigration and asylum policy that drives migrants into risking their