27.06.2015 Views

3071-The political economy of new slavery

3071-The political economy of new slavery

3071-The political economy of new slavery

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

112 Migrant Domestic Workers and Slavery<br />

employ than others. 6 In London, for example, employers want Indians<br />

because they are docile, Filipinas because they are good with children<br />

and so on. This makes it difficult for African women in particular to<br />

find work. And when they do get jobs they tend to be lower paid,<br />

further from central London and longer hours than other people. While<br />

women from some countries have had to pay agencies, and therefore<br />

are more likely to be middle class, to have a level <strong>of</strong> education and<br />

to speak some English, women from other countries are more <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

from the rural poor. Lack <strong>of</strong> English again acts against them in the job<br />

market. <strong>The</strong> harder it is to find work the more likely you are to stay in<br />

an unsatisfactory, or even an abusive job. So migrant domestic worker<br />

does not signify a homogeneous group: while some workers are well<br />

paid and have, albeit in the face <strong>of</strong> great difficulties, negotiated reasonable<br />

conditions, others are abused and exploited and there are certain<br />

groups (national, economic, religious) who are more likely to have<br />

difficulties than others.<br />

<strong>The</strong> problem with fetishizing victimhood is that by focusing on<br />

individual, dreadful cases <strong>of</strong> abuse and how benevolent and horrified<br />

supporters can ‘help’, it is too easy to think that the less dreadful cases<br />

do not matter. It is important to recognize that there are differences, not<br />

least because those who are in the stronger position, who speak English,<br />

who are better educated, have more days <strong>of</strong>f, who live more centrally,<br />

and so on, will inevitably find it easier to participate and take lead organizational<br />

positions. So, unless we recognize such differences between<br />

workers, the organization risks leaving the most powerless behind. It is<br />

by raising the situation <strong>of</strong> the most powerless that all migrant domestic<br />

workers are empowered because, slave or happy family member, the<br />

mechanisms and structures that keep them doing the dirty work are<br />

shared.<br />

And this is the problem with the rhetoric <strong>of</strong> <strong>slavery</strong>. Because one <strong>of</strong><br />

the functions <strong>of</strong> the term ‘slave’ is that this is unacceptable. This is one<br />

reason why it is undoubtedly an effective campaigning tool, for it is<br />

a term that captures the moral high ground. ‘We’ cannot accept <strong>slavery</strong>.<br />

It is not ‘civilized’. It is a word like ‘genocide’: we can never condone it.<br />

So, who is the villain in the slave trade? <strong>The</strong> traders and the slave<br />

masters. Who are the villains in the domestic worker industry? Evil and<br />

abusive employers. This focus enables a denial <strong>of</strong> the materialistic<br />

context, the structural forms <strong>of</strong> power that <strong>of</strong>ten allow the possibility <strong>of</strong><br />

abuse in the first place. So structural adjustment, for example, or the<br />

immigration and asylum policy that drives migrants into risking their

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!