3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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184 <strong>The</strong> Global Framework for Development<br />
aid or military protection <strong>of</strong> rights. <strong>The</strong> global market – international<br />
trade and investment by companies large and small – is the chief engine<br />
<strong>of</strong> economic growth in all countries, and thus plays a significant role<br />
in reducing extreme poverty (through the spreading <strong>of</strong> general wealth –<br />
‘a rising tide lifts all ships’). One <strong>of</strong> the chief elements in this engine<br />
<strong>of</strong> change is technology, since technological innovations continue to<br />
be, as they have been for several hundred years, what enable us to<br />
extract the conditions <strong>of</strong> human well-being from the raw materials <strong>of</strong><br />
the world – only now it has to be done in sustainable ways so that future<br />
generations have access to these goods as well. <strong>The</strong>re may be disagreements<br />
about what technologies work best, but these disagreements are<br />
largely empirical disputes about causality. A third significant factor,<br />
much more apparent in the last 30 years than before, though still a very<br />
small factor compared with the other two, is the influence <strong>of</strong> ordinary<br />
human beings – not in governments or business – acting in the voluntary<br />
sectors in NGOs and in other more informal networks <strong>of</strong> global civil<br />
society. <strong>The</strong>ir activities make a little difference at the edges – the goals<br />
are certainly achieved a little more because <strong>of</strong> them – but states, acting<br />
individually or collectively, together with the agencies <strong>of</strong> the global<br />
<strong>economy</strong> are still the real determinants <strong>of</strong> how things are for the world,<br />
and how far the goals are achieved.<br />
Neo-westphalianism<br />
This may be called the neo-westphalian model. I call it this because<br />
it does acknowledge that things have changed from the heyday <strong>of</strong> the<br />
westphalian model <strong>of</strong> a world dominated and shaped by sovereign states,<br />
which, by a mixture <strong>of</strong> conflict and co-operation according to a limited<br />
set <strong>of</strong> rules, determined how things went in the world. Globalization has<br />
made some difference but not all that much: international institutions,<br />
for example the UN, are more extensive than before; the economic nonstate<br />
actors – especially the larger companies and banks – have become<br />
much more powerful and challenge the freedom <strong>of</strong> manoeuvre <strong>of</strong> states,<br />
especially weaker ones; far more individual human beings are directly<br />
involved with organizations which have global goals and remits. But<br />
that said, states are still the dominant reality. We are not yet at the stage<br />
<strong>of</strong> a ‘post-westphalian’ world (Linklater, 1998) nor is it something we<br />
should be trying to move towards. This leads to the third set <strong>of</strong> points.<br />
Normative assumptions<br />
<strong>The</strong> picture described in the paragraph entitled ‘Means’ is not merely<br />
meant to be a description <strong>of</strong> how things work, but to provide a normative<br />
account <strong>of</strong> how the key agents are meant to behave. States belong to