3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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Amanda Berlan 165<br />
farms – however limited – must be stamped out. More broadly, child<br />
trafficking from the north <strong>of</strong> Ghana to more affluent towns in the south<br />
such as Accra or Kumasi, is an increasing problem (African Centre for<br />
Human Development, 2002). Most <strong>of</strong> the trafficked children are taken<br />
to work as kitchen staff, domestic servants, head-load carriers or traders,<br />
and never return to their families. <strong>The</strong>refore my recommendation to<br />
policy-makers and campaigning groups would be to focus on the wider<br />
problem <strong>of</strong> child trafficking in Ghana, and not let the limited child<br />
trafficking on cocoa farms overshadow child trafficking in other sectors.<br />
<strong>The</strong> other category <strong>of</strong> work defined in ILO Convention 182, which<br />
applies to cocoa farming in Ghana, is ‘work, which, by its nature or the<br />
circumstances in which it is carried out, is likely to harm the health,<br />
safety or morals <strong>of</strong> children’. This is open to interpretation as it relies on<br />
a context-based rather than globally formulated definition <strong>of</strong> risk and<br />
danger. Each country, after consulting with employers’ and workers’<br />
organizations and other interested parties, is expected to determine<br />
what constitutes such work, although some guidance is given in ILO<br />
Recommendation 190. <strong>The</strong> recommendation suggests paying special<br />
attention to work that exposes children to physical, psychological or<br />
sexual abuse, or work in an unhealthy environment which may, for<br />
example, expose children to hazardous substances. In the case <strong>of</strong> cocoa<br />
farming in Ghana dangerous work could consist <strong>of</strong> exposure to pesticides,<br />
inadequate protective clothing (such as rubber boots), insufficient<br />
nourishment or access to drinking water, actual or threatened physical<br />
violence, long hours, or children working away from close kin (such as<br />
a farmer taking in a child from a poor acquaintance and making him or<br />
her work in exchange for food and shelter). Such types <strong>of</strong> abuse are<br />
largely poverty-driven, and more common in isolated villages with low<br />
levels <strong>of</strong> investment and with weak infrastructure, such as villages with<br />
no school or difficult road access. Poor, isolated villages are less likely to<br />
attract adult migrant labourers from the north in the labour-intensive<br />
season and to suffer from a shortage <strong>of</strong> manpower due to urban migration,<br />
therefore making them more reliant on child labour.<br />
Child labour in this context makes intervention and policy-making<br />
extremely problematic. As outlined in Chapter 1 <strong>of</strong> this volume, different<br />
kinds <strong>of</strong> action are required for combating different abuses such as child<br />
labour or enslavement. Child trafficking along set routes by networks <strong>of</strong><br />
traffickers is a relatively recent phenomenon (compared to child work),<br />
and is likely to increase unless deterrents such as tough legislation and<br />
means <strong>of</strong> implementation are put in place. In contrast, child labour<br />
fuelled by poverty cannot be tackled effectively in isolation from its root<br />
causes. Monitoring and law-enforcement have practical limitations in