3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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Amanda Berlan 171<br />
at a much younger age. No cocoa farmer would contemplate hiring<br />
a child below the age <strong>of</strong> seven (and most full-time working children<br />
are over 14 years old), whereas owners <strong>of</strong> stone quarries even ‘employ’<br />
toddlers to sit in the dirt in the scorching heat for up to ten hours a day.<br />
Sadly, children in this form <strong>of</strong> <strong>slavery</strong> receive very little international<br />
attention and child rights organizations should be cautious not to let<br />
the sensationalism surrounding child labour or <strong>slavery</strong> in the cocoa<br />
industry in West Africa bias their research findings and detract from<br />
other needy cases.<br />
<strong>The</strong> effectiveness <strong>of</strong> field-based investigations (and subsequent policy<br />
formulation) may be further undermined by the methodology used<br />
in researching the problem. In the case <strong>of</strong> children in cocoa farming,<br />
short-term, quantitative surveys asking children questions such as<br />
‘Do you go to school?’ ‘What equipment do you use on the farm?’ or<br />
asking farmers ‘Would you hire a child to work full-time on your farm?’<br />
‘Do your children apply pesticides?’ have serious limitations. A child<br />
who is enrolled in school and not involved in high-risk tasks is likely to<br />
be perceived as being less ‘damaged’ by child labour, and a farmer whose<br />
children only participate in farm work outside school hours is not seen<br />
as significantly interfering with the child’s education. While there is no<br />
guarantee that a farmer or a child are answering the questions truthfully<br />
anyway, the focus on risks associated with farming, or the use <strong>of</strong> school<br />
enrolment as a measure <strong>of</strong> success against child labour, overshadows the<br />
real damage being caused by child labour and the need for intervention.<br />
Such a focus reveals a very narrow perception <strong>of</strong> child rights as it does<br />
not reveal long-term effects such as the physical damage caused by<br />
exhaustion, malnutrition, or by carrying heavy loads, or the effects <strong>of</strong><br />
child labour on a child’s right to obtain a quality education. A quantitative<br />
approach and short-term surveys only provide a partial body <strong>of</strong><br />
information on which to formulate policy, and <strong>of</strong>ten result in too much<br />
attention being paid to the wrong issues, such as whether or not a child<br />
is using a cutlass to open a cocoa pod. <strong>The</strong>refore my recommendation to<br />
development organizations and policy-makers would be to avoid relying<br />
exclusively on short-term, quantitative surveys using pre-established<br />
definitions and to recognize the value <strong>of</strong> a more qualitative approach.<br />
<strong>The</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> qualitative and quantitative data is central to effective<br />
child-related policy and campaigning, as well as a key strategy for targeting<br />
the rise <strong>of</strong> contemporary <strong>slavery</strong> identified in this volume. I shall<br />
now expand on some <strong>of</strong> the more long-term effects <strong>of</strong> child labour, and<br />
use the conditions in rural schools in Ghana to illustrate the need to<br />
take a holistic view <strong>of</strong> children’s rights on the issue.