3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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Nigel Dower 193<br />
affect negatively the level <strong>of</strong> wealth within them? Such a suggestion<br />
might seem to be wrong because it conflicts with any country’s right to<br />
protect its economic interests. This right might seem self-evident if interpreted<br />
modestly, but as a strong claim to being an overriding factor, it is<br />
problematic. But does the latter right mean that a rich country should<br />
not be required to share its wealth, only part <strong>of</strong> its incremental wealth –<br />
that is, part <strong>of</strong> its growth? But why should we accept this restriction?<br />
Are rich people morally entitled to keep all their wealth? Are countries<br />
any different? Perhaps they are, it may be said, because a government<br />
has a duty to its citizens not to pursue policies which lead to some <strong>of</strong> its<br />
citizens being forced to have a worse standard <strong>of</strong> living, for example<br />
through unemployment. But this cannot be right. Most policies (perhaps<br />
all or at least all that are actually justifiable), especially those <strong>of</strong> the neoliberal,<br />
have the consequence <strong>of</strong> there being winners and losers. <strong>The</strong><br />
question is: is the distribution <strong>of</strong> winners and losers socially acceptable<br />
or justified? If the problematic distributions are those which involve<br />
the very poor being impoverished further, then the response should be:<br />
‘have national policies that protect the poor’, not ‘resist all forms <strong>of</strong> aid<br />
that might weaken the overall GNP <strong>of</strong> a country’. In any case if it is an<br />
appeal to the position <strong>of</strong> the very poor that is made in justifying national<br />
policies, that same appeal is precisely the basis for a vigorous aid policy,<br />
too. If on cosmopolitan assumptions (which we take it here the defender<br />
<strong>of</strong> national interests accepts in principle) all people matter equally, then<br />
all poverty matters equally.<br />
This point is reinforced if we press home the problem <strong>of</strong> consistency<br />
in foreign policy. An ethical foreign policy should be a consistent foreign<br />
policy. <strong>The</strong>re is something paradoxical about a policy <strong>of</strong> foreign aid<br />
sitting side-by-side with a policy on debt-servicing if poor countries are<br />
having to pay in debt-servicing considerably more than they receive<br />
in aid grants. <strong>The</strong>re is something morally disturbing about a policy on<br />
aid – however well meaning – being accepted by a government which<br />
at the same time uses its economic power to determine terms <strong>of</strong> trade<br />
favourable to itself, to set up trade barriers, to preside over the development<br />
<strong>of</strong> patent laws especially in the field <strong>of</strong> biotechnology, in order<br />
to maintain its economic superiority over struggling poorer countries, or<br />
maintains economic relations with those who practice economic <strong>slavery</strong>.<br />
Again rich countries take with one hand and give back a fraction with<br />
the other hand. <strong>The</strong>re is also, arguably, something morally incoherent<br />
about pursuing a generous policy on aid while adopting a very tough<br />
policy on refugees, especially <strong>of</strong> an economic status. If we are willing to<br />
share some <strong>of</strong> our wealth (perhaps only incremental wealth) by giving