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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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Nigel Dower 193<br />

affect negatively the level <strong>of</strong> wealth within them? Such a suggestion<br />

might seem to be wrong because it conflicts with any country’s right to<br />

protect its economic interests. This right might seem self-evident if interpreted<br />

modestly, but as a strong claim to being an overriding factor, it is<br />

problematic. But does the latter right mean that a rich country should<br />

not be required to share its wealth, only part <strong>of</strong> its incremental wealth –<br />

that is, part <strong>of</strong> its growth? But why should we accept this restriction?<br />

Are rich people morally entitled to keep all their wealth? Are countries<br />

any different? Perhaps they are, it may be said, because a government<br />

has a duty to its citizens not to pursue policies which lead to some <strong>of</strong> its<br />

citizens being forced to have a worse standard <strong>of</strong> living, for example<br />

through unemployment. But this cannot be right. Most policies (perhaps<br />

all or at least all that are actually justifiable), especially those <strong>of</strong> the neoliberal,<br />

have the consequence <strong>of</strong> there being winners and losers. <strong>The</strong><br />

question is: is the distribution <strong>of</strong> winners and losers socially acceptable<br />

or justified? If the problematic distributions are those which involve<br />

the very poor being impoverished further, then the response should be:<br />

‘have national policies that protect the poor’, not ‘resist all forms <strong>of</strong> aid<br />

that might weaken the overall GNP <strong>of</strong> a country’. In any case if it is an<br />

appeal to the position <strong>of</strong> the very poor that is made in justifying national<br />

policies, that same appeal is precisely the basis for a vigorous aid policy,<br />

too. If on cosmopolitan assumptions (which we take it here the defender<br />

<strong>of</strong> national interests accepts in principle) all people matter equally, then<br />

all poverty matters equally.<br />

This point is reinforced if we press home the problem <strong>of</strong> consistency<br />

in foreign policy. An ethical foreign policy should be a consistent foreign<br />

policy. <strong>The</strong>re is something paradoxical about a policy <strong>of</strong> foreign aid<br />

sitting side-by-side with a policy on debt-servicing if poor countries are<br />

having to pay in debt-servicing considerably more than they receive<br />

in aid grants. <strong>The</strong>re is something morally disturbing about a policy on<br />

aid – however well meaning – being accepted by a government which<br />

at the same time uses its economic power to determine terms <strong>of</strong> trade<br />

favourable to itself, to set up trade barriers, to preside over the development<br />

<strong>of</strong> patent laws especially in the field <strong>of</strong> biotechnology, in order<br />

to maintain its economic superiority over struggling poorer countries, or<br />

maintains economic relations with those who practice economic <strong>slavery</strong>.<br />

Again rich countries take with one hand and give back a fraction with<br />

the other hand. <strong>The</strong>re is also, arguably, something morally incoherent<br />

about pursuing a generous policy on aid while adopting a very tough<br />

policy on refugees, especially <strong>of</strong> an economic status. If we are willing to<br />

share some <strong>of</strong> our wealth (perhaps only incremental wealth) by giving

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