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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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170 Child Labour, Education and Child Rights Among Cocoa Producers in Ghana<br />

productive occupation. In keeping with their strong work ethos, most<br />

farmers believe inactivity leads to frustration and laziness, or could lead<br />

a child to move to the city in search <strong>of</strong> a job and end up involved in<br />

crime or prostitution.<br />

<strong>The</strong> need to understand global and local factors, and the need for<br />

policy-makers and activists to be knowledgeable about specific cases,<br />

is not solely an issue in advocacy or policy, but also in research.<br />

In Chapter 3 <strong>of</strong> this volume, Nizan already draws attention to the difficulties<br />

<strong>of</strong> analyzing data on child labour due to practical problems<br />

such as lack <strong>of</strong> comparable statistics or <strong>of</strong> appropriate methodology.<br />

<strong>The</strong> complex case <strong>of</strong> child work in the cocoa industry in Ghana provides<br />

a good illustration <strong>of</strong> the need for research to be carried out in<br />

a qualitative and holistic manner rather than based on strict, pre-defined<br />

global criteria. <strong>The</strong> International Institute <strong>of</strong> Tropical Agriculture (IITA)<br />

report, published under the auspices <strong>of</strong> USAID/USDOL/ILO, was commissioned<br />

in 2001 to determine the extent <strong>of</strong> child labour and <strong>slavery</strong><br />

on cocoa farms in Ghana, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast and Nigeria.<br />

In the case <strong>of</strong> Ghana, the initial findings were compiled on the basis<br />

<strong>of</strong> interviews with heads <strong>of</strong> households only; no children were interviewed.<br />

Perhaps not surprisingly, none <strong>of</strong> the farmers interviewed<br />

reported employing children to work full-time on their farms. However,<br />

they did concede that children were involved in weeding <strong>of</strong> the farm<br />

and breaking pods (and used cutlasses for both these tasks) and 0.96 per<br />

cent <strong>of</strong> farmers reported using children in pesticide application (although<br />

this may just involve fetching water to mix chemicals). <strong>The</strong>se activities<br />

were deemed to be potentially dangerous by the researchers and thus<br />

fitting the description <strong>of</strong> hazardous work given in ILO Convention 182.<br />

However, tasks such as farm clearing and using cutlasses are not<br />

exclusive to cocoa farming and are performed daily by children all over<br />

Ghana. Weeding can even form part <strong>of</strong> school duties. Using a cutlass to<br />

break pods is much more efficient and less physically exhausting for<br />

a child than alternative methods, especially as the children are very<br />

accustomed to using them. I am not arguing that there are no significant<br />

dangers inherent to cocoa farming or that children do not suffer as<br />

a result <strong>of</strong> their work on the farm, as there are, <strong>of</strong> course, always risks<br />

associated with using cutlasses or farm clearance. However, tasks common<br />

in cocoa farming have largely been taken out <strong>of</strong> context and labelled<br />

abusive without sufficient understanding <strong>of</strong> the local context. For the<br />

purpose <strong>of</strong> comparison, a child working in a stone quarry in Accra<br />

would be much more likely to injure themselves with a hammer used<br />

to break stones, especially as the children in stone quarries are recruited

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