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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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194 <strong>The</strong> Global Framework for Development<br />

aid, why not do likewise by providing a source <strong>of</strong> support or livelihood in<br />

the place where one is? Our cosmopolitan commitments are well tested<br />

by attitudes towards immigration (Beitz, 1983). (<strong>The</strong> issue is debatable <strong>of</strong><br />

course: am I morally inconsistent if I give to or support measures to help<br />

the homeless in my own country, but refuse to let them into my house?<br />

If not, and my country is not like my house, then a moral difference can<br />

be found. Certainly the house/country parallel seems to be somewhat<br />

misguided.)<br />

Of course, all these claims are highly controversial and not fully<br />

defended here. <strong>The</strong>y may be controversial among development ethicists<br />

as well as between development ethicists and defenders <strong>of</strong> national policies.<br />

That is the point. <strong>The</strong>se are highly controversial ethical debates,<br />

and the ways they get resolved in policies make an immense difference<br />

as to how far and in what ways poverty is addressed in the world.<br />

September 11th 2001<br />

Another area <strong>of</strong> controversy is over the appropriate responses to international<br />

terrorism after September 11th. Apart from any special concerns<br />

about the rightness <strong>of</strong> the kind <strong>of</strong> military responses following<br />

the autumn <strong>of</strong> 2001, I wish to flag the wider issues to do with both the<br />

privileging <strong>of</strong> the ‘security against international terrorism’ agenda and<br />

the interpretations <strong>of</strong> this privileged status in terms <strong>of</strong> what has to be<br />

done (Dower, 2002). How we think countries should respond to those<br />

events makes an immense difference to the fate <strong>of</strong> the poor in the world.<br />

It is a vast topic. Let me focus on a couple <strong>of</strong> aspects.<br />

First, by making this security agenda a priority, a downgrading <strong>of</strong> other<br />

international goals is signalled, conceptually and empirically – conceptually<br />

by, for instance, giving security a very narrow focus; empirically<br />

by devoting vast resources to combating terrorism which realistically<br />

leaves less to be spent on other agendas. If security is taken in the<br />

broadest sense to cover environmental security, economic security, health<br />

security and so on – aspects <strong>of</strong> security that are far more important and<br />

pressing for the vast majority <strong>of</strong> people in the world than the faint<br />

possibility <strong>of</strong> being the victim <strong>of</strong> a terrorist attack – then policies for<br />

the world based on security alone – let alone other core values – would<br />

be very different from those in place now.<br />

Second, more effective policies to combat terrorism which included<br />

a serious attempt to reduce the root causes <strong>of</strong> terrorism such as global<br />

inequalities or a militarized world fed by the arms trade, again make a<br />

difference to the fate <strong>of</strong> the world’s poor. How far the world is really<br />

changing after September 11th is an open question, as much a matter

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