3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
3071-The political economy of new slavery
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194 <strong>The</strong> Global Framework for Development<br />
aid, why not do likewise by providing a source <strong>of</strong> support or livelihood in<br />
the place where one is? Our cosmopolitan commitments are well tested<br />
by attitudes towards immigration (Beitz, 1983). (<strong>The</strong> issue is debatable <strong>of</strong><br />
course: am I morally inconsistent if I give to or support measures to help<br />
the homeless in my own country, but refuse to let them into my house?<br />
If not, and my country is not like my house, then a moral difference can<br />
be found. Certainly the house/country parallel seems to be somewhat<br />
misguided.)<br />
Of course, all these claims are highly controversial and not fully<br />
defended here. <strong>The</strong>y may be controversial among development ethicists<br />
as well as between development ethicists and defenders <strong>of</strong> national policies.<br />
That is the point. <strong>The</strong>se are highly controversial ethical debates,<br />
and the ways they get resolved in policies make an immense difference<br />
as to how far and in what ways poverty is addressed in the world.<br />
September 11th 2001<br />
Another area <strong>of</strong> controversy is over the appropriate responses to international<br />
terrorism after September 11th. Apart from any special concerns<br />
about the rightness <strong>of</strong> the kind <strong>of</strong> military responses following<br />
the autumn <strong>of</strong> 2001, I wish to flag the wider issues to do with both the<br />
privileging <strong>of</strong> the ‘security against international terrorism’ agenda and<br />
the interpretations <strong>of</strong> this privileged status in terms <strong>of</strong> what has to be<br />
done (Dower, 2002). How we think countries should respond to those<br />
events makes an immense difference to the fate <strong>of</strong> the poor in the world.<br />
It is a vast topic. Let me focus on a couple <strong>of</strong> aspects.<br />
First, by making this security agenda a priority, a downgrading <strong>of</strong> other<br />
international goals is signalled, conceptually and empirically – conceptually<br />
by, for instance, giving security a very narrow focus; empirically<br />
by devoting vast resources to combating terrorism which realistically<br />
leaves less to be spent on other agendas. If security is taken in the<br />
broadest sense to cover environmental security, economic security, health<br />
security and so on – aspects <strong>of</strong> security that are far more important and<br />
pressing for the vast majority <strong>of</strong> people in the world than the faint<br />
possibility <strong>of</strong> being the victim <strong>of</strong> a terrorist attack – then policies for<br />
the world based on security alone – let alone other core values – would<br />
be very different from those in place now.<br />
Second, more effective policies to combat terrorism which included<br />
a serious attempt to reduce the root causes <strong>of</strong> terrorism such as global<br />
inequalities or a militarized world fed by the arms trade, again make a<br />
difference to the fate <strong>of</strong> the world’s poor. How far the world is really<br />
changing after September 11th is an open question, as much a matter