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3071-The political economy of new slavery

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242 Slavery as Piracy<br />

the Caribbean the effects <strong>of</strong> the slave trade are still felt today. This is not<br />

to argue that all descendants from all forms <strong>of</strong> the slave trade through<br />

time are entitled to reparations, but the justifications for the boundaries<br />

have to be rigorously consistent for justice to be done.<br />

<strong>The</strong> claim for reparations for the African slave trade is based on piracy,<br />

the destruction <strong>of</strong> civilizations, depopulation and the underdevelopment<br />

<strong>of</strong> African states. Millions were forcibly removed and ‘a pattern <strong>of</strong> poverty<br />

and underdevelopment directly resulted’ (Gifford, 1993). 14 It was a<br />

crime against humanity for economic reasons. Reparations would be an<br />

economic reinstitution for an economic crime. Much <strong>of</strong> the wealth <strong>of</strong><br />

the United Kingdom, for example, was created from the slave trade. 15<br />

<strong>The</strong> claim for reparation has been strenuously resisted. In a debate in<br />

the English House <strong>of</strong> Lords, Lord Chesham resisted attempts to make<br />

Britain pay reparations by arguing that Benin and Niger Delta, where<br />

much <strong>of</strong> the <strong>slavery</strong> occurred, are now ‘amongst the densely populated<br />

parts <strong>of</strong> Africa’. 16 He also cited General Obasanjo, as he was in l991, on<br />

African impoverishment who argued that ‘the major responsibility <strong>of</strong><br />

our present impasse must be placed squarely on the shoulders <strong>of</strong> our<br />

leaders’. 17 However, this argument can also be turned around. Without<br />

excusing corruption and crimes by present and past African leaders, and<br />

the participation <strong>of</strong> Africans in the slave trade, the slave trade not only<br />

robbed those enslaved <strong>of</strong> their freedom but impoverished the societies<br />

from which they were taken. Reparations for the slave trade parallel<br />

actions against corrupt leaders for recovery <strong>of</strong> stolen funds. <strong>The</strong>re are also<br />

those who regard reparations as unacceptable on principle; in Israel, for<br />

example, Menachim Begin held street demonstrations denouncing the<br />

Israeli government for accepting German ‘blood money’. Prime Minister<br />

David Ben Gurion asked Israel to accept German reparations reluctantly<br />

and for weighty reasons such as to obey the<br />

final injunction <strong>of</strong> the inarticulate six million, whose very murder<br />

was a ringing cry for Israel to rise, to be strong and prosperous, to<br />

safeguard her peace and security, and so prevent such a disaster from<br />

ever again overwhelming the Jewish people.<br />

Schoenfield, 2000<br />

Just as complex is the question <strong>of</strong> who ought to pay reparations.<br />

Historical evidence clearly shows the states that fostered and supported<br />

the slave trade. Such responsibility extends beyond Western states and<br />

includes the Arab slave trade along the east coast <strong>of</strong> Africa. Liability also<br />

extends beyond states to commercial entities and to particular families.

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