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Hannibal and Mithridates to Pyrrhus, telling Mithridates that the Romans could not hold out when the ablest of generals was in alliance with the greatest of kings (Plutarch, Sertorius, 23.3). Despite Plutarch‟s belief, the tradition also has a Roman thread because it appears in Tacitus‟ Histories. Tacitus wrote that Claudius Civilis compared himself to Sertorius and Hannibal on the basis of being one-eyed. Unlike Sertorius, Civilis managed to avoid being declared a public enemy by affecting friendship with Vespasian; an incisive Tacitean sententia that also hints at another reputed Hannibalic trait: Civilis‟ lack of fides (Tacitus, Hist. 4.13). Julius Caesar „marched on Rome‟ but the few extant contemporary comparisons between Julius Caesar and Hannibal are circumspect. Cicero, for example, restricts his comparison to a private letter to his friend Atticus, dated to 21 January 49: Quaeso, quid est hoc? Aut quid agitur? Mihi enim tenebrae sunt. „Cingulum‟ inquit „nos tenemus, Anconam amisimus; Labienus discessit a Caesare.‟ Utrum de imperatore populi Romani an de Hannibale loquimur? Cicero, Ad. Att. 7.11.1 What in the name of wonder is this? What is going on? I am in the dark. People say, „Cingulum is ours, Ancona is lost, Labienus has deserted Caesar.‟ Are we talking of a general of the Roman people or of Hannibal?‟ Adapted from Winstedt, 1958, 53. Cicero dramatizes the rumours as he summarises Caesar‟s progress through Italy toward Rome. It is a rare opportunity for Cicero to present Caesar acting incongruously in an apparently anti-Roman cause, but notable that he kept his criticism to a private letter. Cicero‟s later comparisons of Antonius to Hannibal are embedded within his series of very public criticisms known collectively as the Philippics, 249 but are not directly related to marching on Rome. Cicero argues that Antonius measures poorly against Hannibal as a general, and upholds Hannibal as an „ideal‟ enemy of past times. In sum, Sallust‟s text, Cicero‟s letter to Atticus, and Appian are all important for their treatments of Hannibal as the archetype for an enemy marching on Rome. As Sallust and Cicero predate Livy, their comparisons suggest that Livy developed his theme from a Roman belief that Hannibal intended marching on Rome. Tacitus and Plutarch show that Hannibal was compared for his leadership and qualities as a general (as well as his physical appearance). In addition, Plutarch‟s 249 Billot, 2005b, 15. 99
eference to Mithridates‟ courtiers indicates that Hannibal left an equally lasting impression in the Greek East as he did in Italy despite the eventual Roman victories over Antiochus and Prusias. 100
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Abstract There are many stories abo
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Table of Abbreviations Latin and Gr
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Hannibal almost duels with Aemilius
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Acknowledgements My first heartfelt
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to produce a historical study of th
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published in the Flavian period. Th
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offers a more plausible historical
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second century were entertained wit
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There is, of course, deep appreciat
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apt witticism by echoing Ovid on Ca
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features in their texts to prioriti
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among the greatest stumbling blocks
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historiographical tradition but may
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accompanying scenes of titillation,
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at the opening of this Introduction
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eferences are found within speeches
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Polybius states that Hamilcar Barca
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within the third decad by concludin
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her final imprecation that Carthage
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ack into mythical time. The Barca f
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haec inter iuncto religatus in ordi
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claims that Hannibal had avenged th
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previously beaten enemy, and that t
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the same family have held such a co
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Polybius and Livy. 130 Initially, S
Page 53 and 54: Chapter 2: Hannibal appropriates He
Page 55 and 56: ut iste volunt (Livy, 21.10.8). Mor
Page 57 and 58: In the Phoenician or Carthaginian p
Page 59 and 60: Presently the wondrous treasure bec
Page 61 and 62: to Hamilcar; his preference is unex
Page 63 and 64: tracks, disguising movements, layin
Page 65 and 66: travelling from Spain to Italy). In
Page 67 and 68: Progress is slow in the Punica beca
Page 69 and 70: (Hist. 3.48.12). He debunks any pre
Page 71 and 72: forces, 191 sending some to Spain (
Page 73 and 74: These differences arise in part fro
Page 75 and 76: Livy presents Rome‟s resistance t
Page 77 and 78: Polybius, Livy and Silius Italicus
Page 79 and 80: Multa secum quonam inde ire pergere
Page 81 and 82: inflicted on those captured by Hann
Page 83 and 84: significant roles in each of the ot
Page 85 and 86: In this quote Livy echoes Cato‟s
Page 87 and 88: Representations of Hannibal threate
Page 89 and 90: „debellata procul, quaecumque voc
Page 91 and 92: immediately following has turned to
Page 93 and 94: ηαπ ηα δὲ πξ μαο δη
Page 95 and 96: Where Livy‟s Hannibal gains a new
Page 97 and 98: Livy‟s presentation allows for an
Page 99 and 100: Trasimene than after Cannae. One un
Page 101 and 102: They believed that, thanks to their
Page 103: Pompey: „you are our last resort:
Page 107 and 108: epresentation is very indirect. It
Page 109 and 110: have been better for Rome than vict
Page 111 and 112: Representing Hannibal’s leadershi
Page 113 and 114: Descriptive lists summarising the o
Page 115 and 116: Inde rursus sollicitari seditione m
Page 117 and 118: In the other part of the field Paul
Page 119 and 120: death in battle added glory to the
Page 121 and 122: initially slow: segne primo (Livy,
Page 123 and 124: haud secus ac, fractae rector si fo
Page 125 and 126: πάληα δ᾽ ἦλ ηὰ πα
Page 127 and 128: followed by expiation rites as pres
Page 129 and 130: Silius Italicus uses omens to conne
Page 131 and 132: observe: „the differences between
Page 133 and 134: Chapter 5: Invading Campania, 217 a
Page 135 and 136: Besides the above advantages the wh
Page 137 and 138: Cum satis sciret per easdem angusti
Page 139 and 140: text is that everything is well org
Page 141 and 142: apida iam subdita peste virgulta at
Page 143 and 144: characteristic that Polybius notes
Page 145 and 146: ark, not surrendering until they re
Page 147 and 148: The people suddenly seized the Pref
Page 149 and 150: joining other senators with their f
Page 151 and 152: Silius Italicus, however, has the f
Page 153 and 154: Effects of Capuan luxury Hannibal d
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Nec Venerem interea fugit exoptabil
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compatriots from Spain, these deser
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Chapter 6: Hannibalis sat nomen era
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The claim was disputed in ancient t
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Livy stresses the importance of thi
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Fortune 360 will provide a means fo
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political climate of Augustan Rome
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about the same time: Romam per eosd
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Mother (Livy, 29.10.4-5). After con
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to recall Hannibal. The description
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namque gravis curis carpit dum noct
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„Turn the ships‟ prows back tow
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Whether Rome or Carthage should giv
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ὄθξα θαὶ νὐθ ἐζέ
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fingenti qua volt flectit (Livy, 30
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the gods by conducting it so well.
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Adesse finem belli ac laboris, in m
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does Scipio. Appian closes the scen
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other protagonists involved in a co
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arrangement of the text, Hannibal e
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Cum in apparando acerrime esset occ
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qui nunc servatas evertat funditas
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Livy‟s presentation of Hannibal i
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Hannibal the Scapegoat and Warmonge
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shelter. Hannibal sailed out in the
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direct speech by Hannibal to Antioc
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Hannibal unus, cuius eo tempore vel
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Somewhat less credible is the detai
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Sic vir fortissimus, multis variisq
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Cornelius Nepos similarly depicts F
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The Sibyl predicts that Hannibal wi
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Missus Hannibal in Hispaniam primo
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By nature he was eager for action a
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Conclusions There are a number of c
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It is interesting to note that epis
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and pietas, with Polybius and Corne
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The fifth chapter compared treatmen
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Livy and Polybius who depict Hannib
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Figure 1: Kraay, Pl.112 No 332 Figu
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Figure 5: ‘Hannibal,’ Museo Arc
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Appendix 1: Omen lists for Cannae,
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Appendix 2: The importance of names
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attle; occasionally naming the comm
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It is with the final word at the cl
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Bibliography Ancient texts and tran
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Polybius, Histories V, translated b
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Barnes, W. R., 1995, „Silius Ital
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Dominik, W. J., 2003, „Hannibal a
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Hoyos, Dexter, 1999, „A modern vi
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Morgan, M. G., 1972, „Polybius an
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Seymour Forster, Edward, 1995, (tra
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