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Appendix 2: The importance of names
Polybius‟ first named Roman in the Histories is Appius Claudius (Consul 264) and the
first named Carthaginian is Hannibal‟s father, Hamilcar Barca (Hist. 1.11; 1.13).
Polybius demonstrably manipulated his text in order to name Hamilcar first because
prior to this passage, Polybius referred to the Carthaginians only in general terms and
therefore avoided naming Hanno whom he knew to be the „Carthaginian commander‟ in
Histories 1.11 because he referred back to Hanno in that role at Histories 1.16. By the
same token, the choice of Appius Claudius is deliberate, (if nothing else, he had a
colleague, Fulvius), and, in this instance, it might be connected to contemporary second
century politics. In 184, an Appius Claudius headed a commission to investigate and
report on the Achaean League, and Polybius may have intended to flatter him through
prioritising his ancestor and family name (cf. Livy, 34.33).
As quoted in the Introduction to this thesis, the first named figure in Livy‟s third
decad is Hannibal followed by the Roman people as a community: quod Hannibale duce
Carthaginienses cum populo Romano gessere (Livy, 21.1.1). The first and the last
Roman names in the third decad are both Scipio (Livy, 21.6, the father, Publius
Cornelius Scipio; Livy, 30.45, his more famous son, Scipio Africanus). The literary
decision to make „Scipio‟ the first Roman name in the decad required Livy to prioritise
a tradition which he believed to be anachronistic over when, exactly, the Saguntines sent
envoys to Rome to request assistance: Consules tunc Romae erant P. Cornelius Scipio et
Ti. Sempronius Longus (Livy, 21.6.3).
Livy delayed discussion of the chronological problem until nearly ten chapters later
well after the initial impact of the Scipio name has passed. Livy noted that these two
men were consuls in 218, whereas other sources (including Polybius) stated that the
siege of Saguntum began in 219, in which case, these they could not have been the
consuls (Livy, 21.15.2-6). Therefore Livy was aware of the chronological problem and
its convenient implication that the siege of Saguntum did not last as long as suggested
by others; he also indicates his dissatisfaction and criticism of the historicity of the
source text through the phrase: quae si ita sunt – if this is so (Livy, 21.15.4). Livy‟s
decision to discuss the chronology at all indicates to his audience that his text is
carefully arranged to suit his particular presentation.
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