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<strong>The</strong> fifth chapter compared treatments of two of Hannibal‟s incursions into<br />

Campania. <strong>The</strong> first part examined the presentations of the story of Hannibal escaping<br />

past Roman guards by means of a ruse with oxen with burning firebrands tied to the<br />

horns. It built on Davidson‟s interpretation of a „general sense of spectacle‟ 450 in<br />

Polybius‟ passages to argue that Polybius applied a specific theatrical analogy in order<br />

to depict Hannibal deliberately staging a dramatic exit and demonstrating that he could<br />

upstage and outwit Fabius Maximus who Polybius compares with Eurylochus (Hist.<br />

3.94.4). Livy represents the story, depicting Hannibal tricking his way out of a trap with<br />

only one exit, while Silius Italicus was shown to weave elements from both these<br />

traditions into the Punica, and offer a more „pragmatic‟ truth to the story behind the<br />

oxen. Cornelius Nepos‟ placement of the „oxen and firebrands‟ story at a later point in<br />

time than in the other texts (211) suggests that the story may have become separated<br />

from its original historical context. It may have been related, or staged, as a popular<br />

„Hannibal story‟ in its own right.<br />

<strong>The</strong> second part of this chapter argues that the focus on Capuan morality and the<br />

supposed effects of that morality have caused the historical details of Hannibal‟s<br />

takeover of the town to become uncertain and distorted. Most scholars prefer Polybius‟<br />

and Silius‟ description of the Capuans inviting Hannibal to their town. 451 <strong>The</strong><br />

interpretation in this thesis argues that Polybius was more concerned to present the<br />

Capuans as morally depraved and hence preferred the tradition of „defection.‟<br />

Hannibal‟s initial stay in Capua is brief but it is shown that authors take the opportunity<br />

to present Hannibal succumbing to Capuan luxury in the form of a feast and other<br />

scenes, but with significant differences in the details. Furthermore the ambiguity in the<br />

depictions of the long term effects of Capuan luxury on Hannibal and his men are<br />

argued to be influenced by another tradition about Hannibal: He was undefeated<br />

throughout the time that he was in Italy, discussed in the next chapter.<br />

Presenting Hannibal as undefeated in Italy not only suited the glorification of Scipio<br />

but suited Hannibal‟s rhetoric that he left Italy as an undefeated hero (Pun. 17.286). <strong>The</strong><br />

claim was, of course, disputed, and an extant discussion by Plutarch in relation to<br />

Marcellus is compared in the sixth chapter against some of the authors to whom<br />

450 Davidson, 1991, 16.<br />

451 Most scholars prefer the tradition that the Capuans defect: Rossi, 2004, 368; Heurgon, 1942, 115:<br />

„pour châtier sa défection;‟ 144; De Sanctis, iii, 2,214; Warmington, 1969, 205; Sherwin-White, 1973, 41;<br />

Salmon, 1957, 153; Mankin, 1995, 247; Crawford, 2001, 1974, 30; Watson, 2003, 491. Frederiksen, 1977,<br />

222

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