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plethora of voices in the Carthaginian army 375 to the Trojans whose allies came from many areas: νὐδ᾽ ἴα γῆξπο, ἄιιε δ᾽ ἄιισλ γιῶζζα, πνιύθιεηνη δ᾽ ἔζαλ ἄλδξεο, θαζάπεξ ἀξηίσο ἐμεξηζκεζάκελ. Mixed was the murmur, and confused the sound, Their names all various. πνιινὶ γὰξ θαηὰ ἄζηπ κέγα Πξηάκνπ ἐπίθνπξνη, ἄιιε δ᾽ ἄιισλ γιῶζζα πνιπζπεξέσλ ἀλζξώπσλ. 175 Hist. 15.12.9 Paton, 2000, 493. Iliad, 2.803-4 It is an interesting choice of analogy on the part of Polybius, and perhaps indicates that Roman claims of descent from the Trojans were not yet entrenched. In historical terms it is a disingenuous comparison in the context of Zama not only because Hannibal had a particularly good record of managing an army of mixed ethnicities but also because the Roman side also comprised a multiplicity of peoples not least of which were their new Numidian allies. Nonetheless, Polybius supports his analogy by representing Hannibal ordering his officers to address their own contingents in the army while he addressed his own men (Hist. 15.11.4-6). Polybius then compares Hannibal to Agamemnon through a quotation from the Iliad for the manner in which Hannibal forced the reluctant Carthaginians 376 to keep fighting by placing them in the middle of his forces: 377 ὄθξα θαὶ νὐθ ἐζέισλ ηηο ἀλαγθαίῃ πνιεκίδνη. That e‟en the unwilling might be forced to fight. Hist. 15.16.3 Paton, 2000, 501. 375 Goldsworthy, 2000, 305 notes the theme was as old as the Iliad and often repeated in narratives of Greek victories over the Persians. 376 Walbank, 1967, 464, notes that the sense is changed by Livy, 30.35.7, who describes the mercenaries as the unstable element and placed in the centre. 377 Frontinus says Hannibal placed his Italians in the rear because he distrusted their loyalty for dragging them from Italy against their will (Strat. 2.3.16). The logic seems odd, those least to be trusted are unlikely to be at the rear of the battleline where they can attack from behind (cf. Cannae).
ὄθξα θαὶ νὐθ ἐζέισλ ηηο ἀλαγθαίῃ πνιεκίδνη. 176 Iliad 4.300 Even those reluctant to fight should be forced to take part in the battle Scott-Kilvert, 1979, 478. The comparison of Hannibal to Agamemnon not only connects Hannibal to the mythical king of the Iliad but also links him to the heroic figure of Greek Tragedy; arguably a fitting representation of Hannibal. The Loeb and Teubner editions bracket a phrase at Hist. 15.13.1, that the whole battle was hand to hand [the men using neither spears nor swords.] 378 The provenance of Polybius‟ final proverb comparing Hannibal and Scipio is not known, but may be from a Hellenistic poem: a brave man meets another braver yet: 379 ἐζζιὸο ἐὼλ ἄιινπ θξείηηνλνο ἀληέηπρελ (Hist. 15.16.6). 380 Polybius attributes Hannibal‟s defeat to a mix of bad luck and being up against a better man; the corollary for Scipio being a combination of personal merit and good fortune. 381 Livy applies a different technique of exaggeration for Zama as he focuses on the personal qualities of Scipio and Hannibal, the bravery of their respective armies, as well as describing Rome and Carthage as the two wealthiest powers of the day: ad hoc discrimen procedunt postero die duorum opulentissimorum populorum duo longe clarissimi duces, duo fortissimi exercitus, multa ante parta decora aut cumulaturi eo die aut eversuri Livy, 30.32.4 For this decision on the following day two most distinguished generals by a long way, and two of the bravest armies of the two wealthiest nations went out, either to crown the many distinctions previously won or to bring them to nothing. Adapted from Moore, 1955, 487 Zama is the grand finale for the Punica. Silius indicates the significance of Zama when Jupiter and Juno converse and Jupiter decides on the fates of Hannibal and of Carthage (Pun. 17.371-85). Yet Zama also marks the „beginning of the end‟ for Silius with the rise of Scipio and, in due course, Caesar claiming divine heritage (Pun. 17.653- 4). 382 The link was created in Punica 3 between Zama and Thapsus as common sites of 378 Paton, 2000, 498. Note b. 379 Paton, 2000, 501. 380 Walbank, 1967, 464, summarises the arguments for Hellenistic epigram; the killing of Eurypylus by Neoptolemus; or a quote from Theognis. 381 See Fears, 1981, 760-1 for discussion on Polybius‟ use of luck and personal merit. 382 Also Boyle, 1991, 303.
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Abstract There are many stories abo
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Table of Abbreviations Latin and Gr
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Hannibal almost duels with Aemilius
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Acknowledgements My first heartfelt
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to produce a historical study of th
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published in the Flavian period. Th
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offers a more plausible historical
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second century were entertained wit
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There is, of course, deep appreciat
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apt witticism by echoing Ovid on Ca
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features in their texts to prioriti
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among the greatest stumbling blocks
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historiographical tradition but may
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accompanying scenes of titillation,
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at the opening of this Introduction
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eferences are found within speeches
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Polybius states that Hamilcar Barca
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within the third decad by concludin
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her final imprecation that Carthage
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ack into mythical time. The Barca f
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haec inter iuncto religatus in ordi
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claims that Hannibal had avenged th
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previously beaten enemy, and that t
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the same family have held such a co
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Polybius and Livy. 130 Initially, S
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Chapter 2: Hannibal appropriates He
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ut iste volunt (Livy, 21.10.8). Mor
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In the Phoenician or Carthaginian p
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Presently the wondrous treasure bec
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to Hamilcar; his preference is unex
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tracks, disguising movements, layin
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travelling from Spain to Italy). In
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Progress is slow in the Punica beca
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(Hist. 3.48.12). He debunks any pre
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forces, 191 sending some to Spain (
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These differences arise in part fro
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Livy presents Rome‟s resistance t
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Polybius, Livy and Silius Italicus
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Multa secum quonam inde ire pergere
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inflicted on those captured by Hann
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significant roles in each of the ot
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In this quote Livy echoes Cato‟s
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Representations of Hannibal threate
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„debellata procul, quaecumque voc
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immediately following has turned to
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ηαπ ηα δὲ πξ μαο δη
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Where Livy‟s Hannibal gains a new
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Livy‟s presentation allows for an
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Trasimene than after Cannae. One un
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They believed that, thanks to their
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Pompey: „you are our last resort:
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eference to Mithridates‟ courtier
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epresentation is very indirect. It
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have been better for Rome than vict
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Representing Hannibal’s leadershi
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Descriptive lists summarising the o
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Inde rursus sollicitari seditione m
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In the other part of the field Paul
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death in battle added glory to the
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initially slow: segne primo (Livy,
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haud secus ac, fractae rector si fo
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πάληα δ᾽ ἦλ ηὰ πα
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followed by expiation rites as pres
Page 129 and 130: Silius Italicus uses omens to conne
Page 131 and 132: observe: „the differences between
Page 133 and 134: Chapter 5: Invading Campania, 217 a
Page 135 and 136: Besides the above advantages the wh
Page 137 and 138: Cum satis sciret per easdem angusti
Page 139 and 140: text is that everything is well org
Page 141 and 142: apida iam subdita peste virgulta at
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Page 145 and 146: ark, not surrendering until they re
Page 147 and 148: The people suddenly seized the Pref
Page 149 and 150: joining other senators with their f
Page 151 and 152: Silius Italicus, however, has the f
Page 153 and 154: Effects of Capuan luxury Hannibal d
Page 155 and 156: Nec Venerem interea fugit exoptabil
Page 157 and 158: compatriots from Spain, these deser
Page 159 and 160: Chapter 6: Hannibalis sat nomen era
Page 161 and 162: The claim was disputed in ancient t
Page 163 and 164: Livy stresses the importance of thi
Page 165 and 166: Fortune 360 will provide a means fo
Page 167 and 168: political climate of Augustan Rome
Page 169 and 170: about the same time: Romam per eosd
Page 171 and 172: Mother (Livy, 29.10.4-5). After con
Page 173 and 174: to recall Hannibal. The description
Page 175 and 176: namque gravis curis carpit dum noct
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Page 179: Whether Rome or Carthage should giv
Page 183 and 184: fingenti qua volt flectit (Livy, 30
Page 185 and 186: the gods by conducting it so well.
Page 187 and 188: Adesse finem belli ac laboris, in m
Page 189 and 190: does Scipio. Appian closes the scen
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Page 195 and 196: Cum in apparando acerrime esset occ
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Page 201 and 202: Hannibal the Scapegoat and Warmonge
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Page 207 and 208: Hannibal unus, cuius eo tempore vel
Page 209 and 210: Somewhat less credible is the detai
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Page 213 and 214: Cornelius Nepos similarly depicts F
Page 215 and 216: The Sibyl predicts that Hannibal wi
Page 217 and 218: Missus Hannibal in Hispaniam primo
Page 219 and 220: By nature he was eager for action a
Page 221 and 222: Conclusions There are a number of c
Page 223 and 224: It is interesting to note that epis
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Page 227 and 228: The fifth chapter compared treatmen
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Figure 1: Kraay, Pl.112 No 332 Figu
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Figure 5: ‘Hannibal,’ Museo Arc
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Appendix 1: Omen lists for Cannae,
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Appendix 2: The importance of names
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attle; occasionally naming the comm
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It is with the final word at the cl
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Bibliography Ancient texts and tran
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Polybius, Histories V, translated b
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Barnes, W. R., 1995, „Silius Ital
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Dominik, W. J., 2003, „Hannibal a
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Hoyos, Dexter, 1999, „A modern vi
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Morgan, M. G., 1972, „Polybius an
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Seymour Forster, Edward, 1995, (tra
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